20 june 2015
The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Makarim Wibisono, on Friday expressed deep concern about the human rights situation of Palestinians living under the 48-year-long Israeli occupation.
“Accounts show that occupation policies constrain Palestinian life and push Palestinians to leave their land and homes, especially in area C of the West Bank, and East Jerusalem,” said the expert after his second mission to the region.
From 9 to 12 June 2015, Mr. Wibisono visited Amman, Jordan, and met with civil society and Palestinian local community representatives, UN agencies, and Palestinian government officials. He was unable to access the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), as the Israeli Government has not granted him access and has not formally responded to his requests for access to Israel and the OPT.
“The briefings I received reflect a situation that is deeply alarming. The crisis in war-torn Gaza is deepening. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, there are daily infringements of Palestinian rights as land is increasingly lost to illegal settlements,” the human rights expert warned.
“Simply closing our eyes is allowing these practices to continue – the international community must ensure the promise of universal human rights no longer
rings hollow to Palestinians,” he stressed reiterating his call for accountability for violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law in the OPT.
“Accountability is critical for dealing with past violations as well as preventing future ones,” Mr. Wibisono explained. “This includes accountability for violations in the context of successive Israeli military operations, including the 2014 hostilities in Gaza. It is the only way to move forward.”
Gaza
The independent expert heard how nine months after the ceasefire, of some 12,600 homes totally destroyed during the 2014 hostilities, not a single one has been rebuilt in Gaza. Multiple factors affect the slow reconstruction in Gaza, including unfulfilled donor pledges.
Mr. Wibisono noted that the blockade, now in its eighth year, imposes severe restrictions on Palestinian movement, imports and exports and has left Gaza dependent on international aid and with soaring unemployment.
“The bottom line remains that, if Gaza is to recover from the damage wrought by multiple rounds of hostility and a shattered economy, the blockade must be lifted. The people deserve help and realisation of their human rights, not collective punishment,” he said.
The Special Rapporteur was also briefed on the lack of access to health care in Gaza, where more than 11,000 Palestinians were left injured after last summer’s escalation of hostilities. “Health services too are affected by the blockade. There are prolonged and chronic shortages of drugs and medical supplies,” he said.
In addition, the expert was briefed on how the extensive damage caused to civilian infrastructure has worsened the provision of essential utility services. “One man described how ‘Gazans wake up every day to wash with salt-water and sleep at the end of the day without electricity’ – People are deprived of the means to help themselves and they cannot leave – this is a very dangerous situation,” he warned.
The West Bank, including East Jerusalem
In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, the independent expert noted the interplay between Israeli control of natural resources, such as land and water, and advancement of Israeli settlements.
The Special Rapporteur was briefed on the scarcity of water for Palestinians, including farmers, while settlements enjoy up to 6-8 times the amount of water. “The impact of untreated sewage and waste from settlements on Palestinian crops and the environment is also concerning,” Mr. Wibisono added.
From Bedouin communities in the West Bank, to Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem, families live under the threat of settler violence, home demolitions and forcible transfer.
“I would like to highlight the small village of Susiya. All of its 170 structures located in Area C, from homes to animal shelters, schools and latrines, are now at imminent risk of demolition. This includes structures donated as international humanitarian assistance,” the expert said noting that residents have been subjected to multiple waves of demolitions since an illegal Israeli settlement sprung up nearby the village in the 1980s.
“Occupation policies and practices go beyond control of land – they impact every aspect of life and wear heavily on the social fabric of communities,” he said. “Palestinians are kept apart by movement restrictions: Between Gaza and the West Bank, between the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and within the West Bank, including by the separation wall, which is illegal under international law.”
“The end result is that, if you are Palestinian, family and social life is dictated by the granting or refusal by the Israeli authorities of the right permit,” the Special Rapporteur highlighted.
The human rights expert expressed concern over Palestinian deaths and injuries resulting from excessive use of force by Israeli security forces, including in refugee camps.
“In addition to use of fire arms, there are troubling accounts of how ‘crowd-control’ weapons are used by Israeli security forces. Weapons such as tear-gas, cannot accurately be described as ‘non-lethal’ –they can have serious health effects and in several cases have been used with fatal consequences,” he said.
Regarding detention and imprisonment of Palestinians, including through the practice of administrative detention, the Special Rapporteur described the situation as one of justice turned on its head.
“A high percentage of the Palestinian population, including hundreds of children, are detained by Israel every year and there are serious questions over lack of due process protections afforded under the military justice system,” he stated. “On the other hand, there appears to be little legal consequence for numerous allegations of settler violence or excessive use of force by Israeli security forces against Palestinians.”
Speaking of his meeting with a youth group from the city of Hebron, which is severely affected by military checkpoints and settlements, Wibisono commented: “A young Palestinian human rights defender, who cannot walk freely in the streets due to checkpoints, emphasized that he bore no ill will towards the Israeli people and simply said: ‘The problem is the occupation’.”
The Special Rapporteur will present his next report during the 70th session of the UN General Assembly in New York.
“Accounts show that occupation policies constrain Palestinian life and push Palestinians to leave their land and homes, especially in area C of the West Bank, and East Jerusalem,” said the expert after his second mission to the region.
From 9 to 12 June 2015, Mr. Wibisono visited Amman, Jordan, and met with civil society and Palestinian local community representatives, UN agencies, and Palestinian government officials. He was unable to access the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), as the Israeli Government has not granted him access and has not formally responded to his requests for access to Israel and the OPT.
“The briefings I received reflect a situation that is deeply alarming. The crisis in war-torn Gaza is deepening. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, there are daily infringements of Palestinian rights as land is increasingly lost to illegal settlements,” the human rights expert warned.
“Simply closing our eyes is allowing these practices to continue – the international community must ensure the promise of universal human rights no longer
rings hollow to Palestinians,” he stressed reiterating his call for accountability for violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law in the OPT.
“Accountability is critical for dealing with past violations as well as preventing future ones,” Mr. Wibisono explained. “This includes accountability for violations in the context of successive Israeli military operations, including the 2014 hostilities in Gaza. It is the only way to move forward.”
Gaza
The independent expert heard how nine months after the ceasefire, of some 12,600 homes totally destroyed during the 2014 hostilities, not a single one has been rebuilt in Gaza. Multiple factors affect the slow reconstruction in Gaza, including unfulfilled donor pledges.
Mr. Wibisono noted that the blockade, now in its eighth year, imposes severe restrictions on Palestinian movement, imports and exports and has left Gaza dependent on international aid and with soaring unemployment.
“The bottom line remains that, if Gaza is to recover from the damage wrought by multiple rounds of hostility and a shattered economy, the blockade must be lifted. The people deserve help and realisation of their human rights, not collective punishment,” he said.
The Special Rapporteur was also briefed on the lack of access to health care in Gaza, where more than 11,000 Palestinians were left injured after last summer’s escalation of hostilities. “Health services too are affected by the blockade. There are prolonged and chronic shortages of drugs and medical supplies,” he said.
In addition, the expert was briefed on how the extensive damage caused to civilian infrastructure has worsened the provision of essential utility services. “One man described how ‘Gazans wake up every day to wash with salt-water and sleep at the end of the day without electricity’ – People are deprived of the means to help themselves and they cannot leave – this is a very dangerous situation,” he warned.
The West Bank, including East Jerusalem
In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, the independent expert noted the interplay between Israeli control of natural resources, such as land and water, and advancement of Israeli settlements.
The Special Rapporteur was briefed on the scarcity of water for Palestinians, including farmers, while settlements enjoy up to 6-8 times the amount of water. “The impact of untreated sewage and waste from settlements on Palestinian crops and the environment is also concerning,” Mr. Wibisono added.
From Bedouin communities in the West Bank, to Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem, families live under the threat of settler violence, home demolitions and forcible transfer.
“I would like to highlight the small village of Susiya. All of its 170 structures located in Area C, from homes to animal shelters, schools and latrines, are now at imminent risk of demolition. This includes structures donated as international humanitarian assistance,” the expert said noting that residents have been subjected to multiple waves of demolitions since an illegal Israeli settlement sprung up nearby the village in the 1980s.
“Occupation policies and practices go beyond control of land – they impact every aspect of life and wear heavily on the social fabric of communities,” he said. “Palestinians are kept apart by movement restrictions: Between Gaza and the West Bank, between the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and within the West Bank, including by the separation wall, which is illegal under international law.”
“The end result is that, if you are Palestinian, family and social life is dictated by the granting or refusal by the Israeli authorities of the right permit,” the Special Rapporteur highlighted.
The human rights expert expressed concern over Palestinian deaths and injuries resulting from excessive use of force by Israeli security forces, including in refugee camps.
“In addition to use of fire arms, there are troubling accounts of how ‘crowd-control’ weapons are used by Israeli security forces. Weapons such as tear-gas, cannot accurately be described as ‘non-lethal’ –they can have serious health effects and in several cases have been used with fatal consequences,” he said.
Regarding detention and imprisonment of Palestinians, including through the practice of administrative detention, the Special Rapporteur described the situation as one of justice turned on its head.
“A high percentage of the Palestinian population, including hundreds of children, are detained by Israel every year and there are serious questions over lack of due process protections afforded under the military justice system,” he stated. “On the other hand, there appears to be little legal consequence for numerous allegations of settler violence or excessive use of force by Israeli security forces against Palestinians.”
Speaking of his meeting with a youth group from the city of Hebron, which is severely affected by military checkpoints and settlements, Wibisono commented: “A young Palestinian human rights defender, who cannot walk freely in the streets due to checkpoints, emphasized that he bore no ill will towards the Israeli people and simply said: ‘The problem is the occupation’.”
The Special Rapporteur will present his next report during the 70th session of the UN General Assembly in New York.
19 june 2015
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu slammed UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's statements in which he criticized Israel for the death and suffering of Palestinian children during last summer's aggression on Gaza, calling it a "black day for the UN."
Netanyahu said Ban chooses to reprimand Israel instead of "highlighting the fact that Hamas made hostages of Gaza’s children when it fired at Israel from preschools, and dug tunnels towards Israeli preschools."
According to UN statistics, Israel killed 540 Palestinian children out of more than 2100 victims killed during its massive aggression on Gaza.
"At the same time, Hamas is awarded immunity by the UN, even though it has been proven beyond any doubt that it committed war crimes by firing from hospitals, mosques and from within UN facilities. It turns out there is no limit to hypocrisy," Netanyahu claimed.
For his part, Ron Prosor, permanent representative of Israel to the UN, accused the UN of adopting double standard policy in dealing with Israel.
Prosor's remarks came following a UN report containing exceptionally harsh criticism of Israel, particularly in connection with the killing of more than 500 Palestinian children in Israel's summer offensive on Gaza.
In the report, Leila Zerrougui, the secretary general’s special representative for children and armed conflict, called the effect on children "unprecedented and unacceptable", and wrote that it prompted grave concerns about Israel’s application of international law, particularly with respect to everything related to excessive use of force.
Prosor sent a letter of complaint to Ban in which he accused Zerrougui of bias against Israel and of attempting to hide the fact from Israel that she was writing a report.
Ban, in his part, declared during a Security Council open debate on children and armed conflict his total support for Zerrougui.
Ban Ki-moon on Thursday implicitly accused Israel of deliberately targeting Palestinian children, pointing to its last war on the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2014.
"I am also deeply alarmed at the suffering of so many children as a result of the Israeli military operations in Gaza last year," the UN head stated.
Netanyahu said Ban chooses to reprimand Israel instead of "highlighting the fact that Hamas made hostages of Gaza’s children when it fired at Israel from preschools, and dug tunnels towards Israeli preschools."
According to UN statistics, Israel killed 540 Palestinian children out of more than 2100 victims killed during its massive aggression on Gaza.
"At the same time, Hamas is awarded immunity by the UN, even though it has been proven beyond any doubt that it committed war crimes by firing from hospitals, mosques and from within UN facilities. It turns out there is no limit to hypocrisy," Netanyahu claimed.
For his part, Ron Prosor, permanent representative of Israel to the UN, accused the UN of adopting double standard policy in dealing with Israel.
Prosor's remarks came following a UN report containing exceptionally harsh criticism of Israel, particularly in connection with the killing of more than 500 Palestinian children in Israel's summer offensive on Gaza.
In the report, Leila Zerrougui, the secretary general’s special representative for children and armed conflict, called the effect on children "unprecedented and unacceptable", and wrote that it prompted grave concerns about Israel’s application of international law, particularly with respect to everything related to excessive use of force.
Prosor sent a letter of complaint to Ban in which he accused Zerrougui of bias against Israel and of attempting to hide the fact from Israel that she was writing a report.
Ban, in his part, declared during a Security Council open debate on children and armed conflict his total support for Zerrougui.
Ban Ki-moon on Thursday implicitly accused Israel of deliberately targeting Palestinian children, pointing to its last war on the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2014.
"I am also deeply alarmed at the suffering of so many children as a result of the Israeli military operations in Gaza last year," the UN head stated.
Maj.-Gen. Yoav Har Even says the army could have been more prepared to deal with tunnel threat, but that 'Hannibal Directive' used on Rafah's Black Friday during last summer's war was never meant to endanger Hadar Goldin's life.
After almost a decade of operations in the Gaza Strip since the 2005 Israeli disengagement, the IDF's outgoing Operations Directorate chief, Maj.-Gen. Yoav Har Even, says there is no ultimate solution to the "Gaza problem."
"As a rule, there are no military solutions to political problems. These are always combined solutions. Using military force is only a part of the policy," Har Even says in an interview with Ynet.
"It has to do with things happening outside the army: A general examination of the Palestinian arena, the ties between Gaza and the West Bank, and the tensions within the Palestinian arena. There is a longing I can understand, both from the public and the politicians, that want a solution to the security problem. I'm just saying the solution goes far beyond a military solution. It's a lot more complex if the reaction to one rocket being fired is one strike or 15 strikes, or a full occupation of the Strip, or a partial one."
Almost a year after the end of Operation Protective Edge, the IDF is expected to face harsh international criticism in an upcoming UN report about last summer's war in Gaza. One of the incidents likely be featured heavily in the report is the massive IDF bombardment of Rafah on the morning of August 1, 2014, in an attempt to stop the Hamas terrorists who kidnapped the body of Sec.-Lt. Hadar Goldin. That day, in which dozens of Palestinians were killed and hundreds were wounded, was dubbed "Rafah's Black Friday."
Har Even insists that the Hannibal Directive, which instructs the army to prevent a kidnapping at all costs, even if it endangers the life of the soldier being kidnapped, was not in use that morning. He differentiates the directive and the code word used by the troops that day. "From what I read in investigation reports, and from what I saw in real time at the IDF headquarters, the use of fire was proportional," Har Even asserts.
According to Har Even, using the code word 'Hannibal' in IDF communications was an order to use larger scale fire power for extraction in extreme situations such as this. "Fire power for extraction is used every time there are troops in danger. Even a squad commander is authorized to use fire power for extraction. The challenge is to determine when to stop that fire power."
Har Even claims he finished formulating the updated Hannibal Directive, a directive which has been in existence since the days of the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon, in the year prior to Operation Protective Edge, in cooperation with legal teams from the attorney-general's office.
"It doesn't say anywhere that the soldier needs to be killed. We specifically spent time debating this point," he explains. "When the directive is in use, it is strictly forbidden to shoot at the soldier," he adds.
"You have to separate this from the Goldin incident. You have to separate the use of the code word for the army's Hannibal Directive, which is not meant for war situations in which a soldier is taken captive. The Hannibal Directive is meant for routine security situations. For example, when a soldier is kidnapped in Judea and Samaria.
It's a guideline: What's allowed, what is forbidden, what the division needs to do, what the brigade and the command need to do, and who exactly is put into action. We used a similar directive in Brother's Keeper (the search for the kidnapped yeshiva teens, YZ) even though these were civilians. It's an army directive, just like the rules of engagement.
This directive has nothing to do with Israel's policies, only to the order of actions taken straight after the kidnapping - what to do to disrupt and prevent it." Despite that, both internal and external criticism has been heard from among the ranks of the IDF on the confused state the troops operated under that morning in Rafah. In an interview with Ynet a month after the war, Givati's reconnaissance battalion officers said they knew the fire power they used could endanger their friend Hadar Goldin.
The Orev company commander said frankly, "when you encounter an incident like this, you'd rather have a dead soldier, than have one in Hamas captivity. We drilled into the troops many times about the threat of kidnapping and the objective of disrupting it, should it happen – hitting the enemy even at the cost of hitting your friend. I told myself – even if I bring back a body, the most important thing is to bring the missing soldier back.
In an incident like that, you do whatever it takes to not get an entire country into a Gilad Shalit whirlwind." But Har Even insists a separation must be made between the code word 'Hannibal Directive,' which he says "was common among the soldiers and the commanders, and means that there is an incident of a feared kidnapping or capturing of a soldier," and the Goldin incident.
'We could've done more'
Maj.-Gen Har Even, who is about to retire from the IDF, said Israeli society has matured after the Gilad Shalit kidnapping trauma. But he admits there is no directive that he could write that would prevent the next kidnapping.
"The test in Protective Edge proved that the State of Israel doesn't always see incidents like Goldin's capture as a strategic incident. If a 10-15 members terrorist cell surprises an IDF patrol and strikes it, I hope the force knows how to respond properly and fight. What prevents a kidnapping is the troops' operational behavior, and that has nothing to do with a directive or the education, training and values we give them."
Har Even refuses to delve into the depths of the IDF's investigation into the Rafah incident, but hints that "I wish we were in touch with Goldin's capturers." Either way, he knows the army could have been better prepared for Protective Edge. Top officials in the IDF command already admitted they were not prepared for the maneuvering required to locate and destroy Hamas' tunnels, even though the top echelons of the army and army intelligence knew about most of the tunnels. "Always, when you move from plan to execution, the result will be somewhat different than what was planned," he says.
"The question is not if we used plan X or Y, but if we understood the enemy in Gaza - what they want, what they are capable of, what they built over the years, did we use our tools wisely when facing reality?
The answer is simple: When it comes to the tunnels, we got there less ready than what we could have been if we acted on the issue long before. Half a year before the operation, we made some changes, but we could always do more." A senior IDF official recently compared the issue of tunnels in Gaza to the anti-tank missiles the Egyptian army used against the Israel Air Force, something the army did not foresee at the time.
Har Even rejects that comparison: "It is not a crisis of such significant proportions. Those expecting a ready-made technological or intelligence solution that discovers every tunnel - are wrong. Most of Hamas' military infrastructure that was aimed at Israel has been dealt with. We are flogging ourselves too harshly on this issue.
"Unlike previous operations, the missions for the maneuvering forces were clear to all. The delineation was also clear to Golani, the Paratroopers, Givati and the Armored Corps brigades. 'These are your three-four kilometers, there are tunnels there and your mission is to locate them and destroy them.'
There is no guarantee that there won't be mistakes or difficult fighting with casualties in the next operation as well." - An argument was made that there wasn't enough sophistication. "We teach our commanders to study the field and the enemy and plan the mission in stratagem. I don't think anyone was unprofessional or negligent."
The interview with Har Even is conducted before the release of the UN report, which the IDF and political echelons decided not to cooperate with. Army officials say they are not waiting for the report, and have already learned the lessons needed. Some were already implemented, including clarifying the distinction between those involved in the fighting and those uninvolved.
"The procedures were already translated into training for the troops, mostly the Air Force," Har Even says.
After almost a decade of operations in the Gaza Strip since the 2005 Israeli disengagement, the IDF's outgoing Operations Directorate chief, Maj.-Gen. Yoav Har Even, says there is no ultimate solution to the "Gaza problem."
"As a rule, there are no military solutions to political problems. These are always combined solutions. Using military force is only a part of the policy," Har Even says in an interview with Ynet.
"It has to do with things happening outside the army: A general examination of the Palestinian arena, the ties between Gaza and the West Bank, and the tensions within the Palestinian arena. There is a longing I can understand, both from the public and the politicians, that want a solution to the security problem. I'm just saying the solution goes far beyond a military solution. It's a lot more complex if the reaction to one rocket being fired is one strike or 15 strikes, or a full occupation of the Strip, or a partial one."
Almost a year after the end of Operation Protective Edge, the IDF is expected to face harsh international criticism in an upcoming UN report about last summer's war in Gaza. One of the incidents likely be featured heavily in the report is the massive IDF bombardment of Rafah on the morning of August 1, 2014, in an attempt to stop the Hamas terrorists who kidnapped the body of Sec.-Lt. Hadar Goldin. That day, in which dozens of Palestinians were killed and hundreds were wounded, was dubbed "Rafah's Black Friday."
Har Even insists that the Hannibal Directive, which instructs the army to prevent a kidnapping at all costs, even if it endangers the life of the soldier being kidnapped, was not in use that morning. He differentiates the directive and the code word used by the troops that day. "From what I read in investigation reports, and from what I saw in real time at the IDF headquarters, the use of fire was proportional," Har Even asserts.
According to Har Even, using the code word 'Hannibal' in IDF communications was an order to use larger scale fire power for extraction in extreme situations such as this. "Fire power for extraction is used every time there are troops in danger. Even a squad commander is authorized to use fire power for extraction. The challenge is to determine when to stop that fire power."
Har Even claims he finished formulating the updated Hannibal Directive, a directive which has been in existence since the days of the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon, in the year prior to Operation Protective Edge, in cooperation with legal teams from the attorney-general's office.
"It doesn't say anywhere that the soldier needs to be killed. We specifically spent time debating this point," he explains. "When the directive is in use, it is strictly forbidden to shoot at the soldier," he adds.
"You have to separate this from the Goldin incident. You have to separate the use of the code word for the army's Hannibal Directive, which is not meant for war situations in which a soldier is taken captive. The Hannibal Directive is meant for routine security situations. For example, when a soldier is kidnapped in Judea and Samaria.
It's a guideline: What's allowed, what is forbidden, what the division needs to do, what the brigade and the command need to do, and who exactly is put into action. We used a similar directive in Brother's Keeper (the search for the kidnapped yeshiva teens, YZ) even though these were civilians. It's an army directive, just like the rules of engagement.
This directive has nothing to do with Israel's policies, only to the order of actions taken straight after the kidnapping - what to do to disrupt and prevent it." Despite that, both internal and external criticism has been heard from among the ranks of the IDF on the confused state the troops operated under that morning in Rafah. In an interview with Ynet a month after the war, Givati's reconnaissance battalion officers said they knew the fire power they used could endanger their friend Hadar Goldin.
The Orev company commander said frankly, "when you encounter an incident like this, you'd rather have a dead soldier, than have one in Hamas captivity. We drilled into the troops many times about the threat of kidnapping and the objective of disrupting it, should it happen – hitting the enemy even at the cost of hitting your friend. I told myself – even if I bring back a body, the most important thing is to bring the missing soldier back.
In an incident like that, you do whatever it takes to not get an entire country into a Gilad Shalit whirlwind." But Har Even insists a separation must be made between the code word 'Hannibal Directive,' which he says "was common among the soldiers and the commanders, and means that there is an incident of a feared kidnapping or capturing of a soldier," and the Goldin incident.
'We could've done more'
Maj.-Gen Har Even, who is about to retire from the IDF, said Israeli society has matured after the Gilad Shalit kidnapping trauma. But he admits there is no directive that he could write that would prevent the next kidnapping.
"The test in Protective Edge proved that the State of Israel doesn't always see incidents like Goldin's capture as a strategic incident. If a 10-15 members terrorist cell surprises an IDF patrol and strikes it, I hope the force knows how to respond properly and fight. What prevents a kidnapping is the troops' operational behavior, and that has nothing to do with a directive or the education, training and values we give them."
Har Even refuses to delve into the depths of the IDF's investigation into the Rafah incident, but hints that "I wish we were in touch with Goldin's capturers." Either way, he knows the army could have been better prepared for Protective Edge. Top officials in the IDF command already admitted they were not prepared for the maneuvering required to locate and destroy Hamas' tunnels, even though the top echelons of the army and army intelligence knew about most of the tunnels. "Always, when you move from plan to execution, the result will be somewhat different than what was planned," he says.
"The question is not if we used plan X or Y, but if we understood the enemy in Gaza - what they want, what they are capable of, what they built over the years, did we use our tools wisely when facing reality?
The answer is simple: When it comes to the tunnels, we got there less ready than what we could have been if we acted on the issue long before. Half a year before the operation, we made some changes, but we could always do more." A senior IDF official recently compared the issue of tunnels in Gaza to the anti-tank missiles the Egyptian army used against the Israel Air Force, something the army did not foresee at the time.
Har Even rejects that comparison: "It is not a crisis of such significant proportions. Those expecting a ready-made technological or intelligence solution that discovers every tunnel - are wrong. Most of Hamas' military infrastructure that was aimed at Israel has been dealt with. We are flogging ourselves too harshly on this issue.
"Unlike previous operations, the missions for the maneuvering forces were clear to all. The delineation was also clear to Golani, the Paratroopers, Givati and the Armored Corps brigades. 'These are your three-four kilometers, there are tunnels there and your mission is to locate them and destroy them.'
There is no guarantee that there won't be mistakes or difficult fighting with casualties in the next operation as well." - An argument was made that there wasn't enough sophistication. "We teach our commanders to study the field and the enemy and plan the mission in stratagem. I don't think anyone was unprofessional or negligent."
The interview with Har Even is conducted before the release of the UN report, which the IDF and political echelons decided not to cooperate with. Army officials say they are not waiting for the report, and have already learned the lessons needed. Some were already implemented, including clarifying the distinction between those involved in the fighting and those uninvolved.
"The procedures were already translated into training for the troops, mostly the Air Force," Har Even says.
18 june 2015
Ban Ki-moon demands that Israeli gov't take immediate steps to prevent killings after damning report; ambassador claims anti-Israeli bias.
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on Thursday criticized Israel for the death and suffering of Palestinian children during last summer's conflict in Gaza, reiterating his demand for the Israeli government to take immediate steps to prevent such killings.
The UN chief referred to his decision last week not to include Israel on his annual list of parties that kill or injure children in armed conflict in a speech to a Security Council meeting. It sparked protests from human rights groups and many in the Arab world and elsewhere.
Ban didn't address the reasoning behind that decision. Neither would the UN special envoy for children in armed conflict, Leila Zerrougui, who according to UN officials recommended that both Israel and Hamas, which controls Gaza, be included on the list. Zerrougui said she stood by Ban's report.
The secretary-general's latest report said that in the Gaza conflict at least 561 children were killed -- 557 of them Palestinians. It said 4,271 youngsters were injured, all but 22 Palestinians.
The 557 Palestinian deaths were the third-highest death toll of any conflict in 2014, after Afghanistan's with 710 child killings and Iraq's with 679 -- but ahead of Syria's with 368.
While Ban kept Israel off the list, he kept up pressure on the Israeli government at the council meeting to present his report on children in armed conflict.
He expressed deep alarm at the Gaza killings and urged Israel to review its policies and practices and "respect the special protections afforded to schools and hospitals."
In a letter to Ban circulated soon after his speech, Israel's UN Ambassador Ron Prosor accused Zerrougui of "widespread, systematic and institutionalized biased conduct against Israel (which) undermines the credibility of the report."
Prosor said Zerrougi and others drafting the report failed to hold Hamas responsible for launching thousands of rockets into Israel while using Palestinian civilians, including children, as human shields. He also criticized them for preventing Israel from verifying incidents in the report, for giving Israel very little time to comment before the report was finalized, and for ignoring or dismissing most of its remarks and requests.
Prosor called on the secretary-general "to change these working methods to ensure a transparent and credible process in the future."
Ban defended his report, saying the content "should speak for itself."
He said a debate is appropriate "but national interests should not cloud the objective at stake, which is protecting children."
Zerrougui told reporters that Israel has been included in the annual report since 2005, and the same working methods have been used and it never complained in the past.
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on Thursday criticized Israel for the death and suffering of Palestinian children during last summer's conflict in Gaza, reiterating his demand for the Israeli government to take immediate steps to prevent such killings.
The UN chief referred to his decision last week not to include Israel on his annual list of parties that kill or injure children in armed conflict in a speech to a Security Council meeting. It sparked protests from human rights groups and many in the Arab world and elsewhere.
Ban didn't address the reasoning behind that decision. Neither would the UN special envoy for children in armed conflict, Leila Zerrougui, who according to UN officials recommended that both Israel and Hamas, which controls Gaza, be included on the list. Zerrougui said she stood by Ban's report.
The secretary-general's latest report said that in the Gaza conflict at least 561 children were killed -- 557 of them Palestinians. It said 4,271 youngsters were injured, all but 22 Palestinians.
The 557 Palestinian deaths were the third-highest death toll of any conflict in 2014, after Afghanistan's with 710 child killings and Iraq's with 679 -- but ahead of Syria's with 368.
While Ban kept Israel off the list, he kept up pressure on the Israeli government at the council meeting to present his report on children in armed conflict.
He expressed deep alarm at the Gaza killings and urged Israel to review its policies and practices and "respect the special protections afforded to schools and hospitals."
In a letter to Ban circulated soon after his speech, Israel's UN Ambassador Ron Prosor accused Zerrougui of "widespread, systematic and institutionalized biased conduct against Israel (which) undermines the credibility of the report."
Prosor said Zerrougi and others drafting the report failed to hold Hamas responsible for launching thousands of rockets into Israel while using Palestinian civilians, including children, as human shields. He also criticized them for preventing Israel from verifying incidents in the report, for giving Israel very little time to comment before the report was finalized, and for ignoring or dismissing most of its remarks and requests.
Prosor called on the secretary-general "to change these working methods to ensure a transparent and credible process in the future."
Ban defended his report, saying the content "should speak for itself."
He said a debate is appropriate "but national interests should not cloud the objective at stake, which is protecting children."
Zerrougui told reporters that Israel has been included in the annual report since 2005, and the same working methods have been used and it never complained in the past.
Document will detail alleged violations of international law by Israel during summer 2014 conflict in bid to bring criminal charges against Israeli leaders.
The Palestinians will next week submit their first file to the International Criminal Court in their bid to open criminal proceedings against Israel, an official said on Thursday.
The move is part of an increased focus on diplomatic maneuvering and appeals to international bodies by the Palestinians, who have been frustrated by a lack of progress in peace negotiations.
The file is to be handed to ICC chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on June 25, and will detail alleged violations of international law by the Jewish state, Palestinian foreign ministry official Ammar Hijazi told reporters in the West Bank city of Ramallah. On April 1, the Palestinians formally joined the ICC with the goal of trying Israeli leaders for alleged abuses during last summer's war in the Gaza Strip, and alleged crimes relating to the administration of the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
The file is "only general, it's only statistical", Hijazi said. "But it certainly draws a grim picture of what Israel is doing and why we think that there are reasonable grounds... for the prosecutor to start (her) investigations."
It does not refer to specific incidents, but the Palestinians will submit such details in future if Bensouda decides to proceed with inquiries, he said. Bensouda's office has opened a preliminary examination into Palestinian claims, starting from June 2014.
Earlier this year, as the Palestinians were putting their accession to the ICC in motion, President Mahmoud Abbas sent documents to the court authorizing the prosecutor to investigate alleged crimes that took place in Palestinian territories since June 13, 2014.
The unrest in June last year escalated to the summer war between Israel and Hamas, which killed about 2,200 Palestinians and 73 on the Israeli side. Bensouda has also said she is weighing opening war crimes investigations into the Palestinians themselves, with groups such as the Islamist terror organization Hamas, which rules Gaza, potentially under the spotlight.
Among the more controversial events of the Gaza war was Israel's bombing of UN schools being used as shelters for the displaced. Israel says it was forced to carry out the strikes because Hamas used them to store weapons or fire rockets at Israel.
The ICC, set up in 2002, is the world's only permanent independent body to try the most serious crimes of concern to the international community.
The Palestinians will next week submit their first file to the International Criminal Court in their bid to open criminal proceedings against Israel, an official said on Thursday.
The move is part of an increased focus on diplomatic maneuvering and appeals to international bodies by the Palestinians, who have been frustrated by a lack of progress in peace negotiations.
The file is to be handed to ICC chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda on June 25, and will detail alleged violations of international law by the Jewish state, Palestinian foreign ministry official Ammar Hijazi told reporters in the West Bank city of Ramallah. On April 1, the Palestinians formally joined the ICC with the goal of trying Israeli leaders for alleged abuses during last summer's war in the Gaza Strip, and alleged crimes relating to the administration of the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
The file is "only general, it's only statistical", Hijazi said. "But it certainly draws a grim picture of what Israel is doing and why we think that there are reasonable grounds... for the prosecutor to start (her) investigations."
It does not refer to specific incidents, but the Palestinians will submit such details in future if Bensouda decides to proceed with inquiries, he said. Bensouda's office has opened a preliminary examination into Palestinian claims, starting from June 2014.
Earlier this year, as the Palestinians were putting their accession to the ICC in motion, President Mahmoud Abbas sent documents to the court authorizing the prosecutor to investigate alleged crimes that took place in Palestinian territories since June 13, 2014.
The unrest in June last year escalated to the summer war between Israel and Hamas, which killed about 2,200 Palestinians and 73 on the Israeli side. Bensouda has also said she is weighing opening war crimes investigations into the Palestinians themselves, with groups such as the Islamist terror organization Hamas, which rules Gaza, potentially under the spotlight.
Among the more controversial events of the Gaza war was Israel's bombing of UN schools being used as shelters for the displaced. Israel says it was forced to carry out the strikes because Hamas used them to store weapons or fire rockets at Israel.
The ICC, set up in 2002, is the world's only permanent independent body to try the most serious crimes of concern to the international community.
Israel slams report, saying UN envoy 'repeatedly refused attempts on our part to provide official evidence and facts'.
Israel has accused a senior UN official of misconduct in preparing a report that harshly criticized the IDF over the 2014 Gaza war while leaving it off a blacklist of states and armed groups that violate children's rights in conflict.
The UN Security Council will hold a public debate on Thursday to discuss the latest United Nations report on children and armed conflict. In it, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said "the unprecedented and unacceptable scale of the impact on children in 2014 raises grave concerns about Israel's compliance with international humanitarian law ... (and) excessive use of force."
Although formally presented in Ban's name, the report was prepared by his envoy on children and armed conflict, Leila Zerrougui of Algeria. Israeli UN Ambassador Ron Prosor accused her of "biased conduct against Israel." He also denied Israel had violated international law during the war.
In a letter to Ban, seen by Reuters, Prosor voiced "deep concerns regarding the improper conduct - at every working level - of the office of ... Zerrougui in the process of drafting and producing the report."
According to UN figure, more than 2,100 Palestinians, mostly civilians and including 540 children, were killed during last year's 50-day Gaza Strip war between Hamas and Israel, while 67 Israeli soldiers and six civilians in Israel were killed. A UN inquiry found that Israel fired on seven UN schools and killed 44 Palestinians seeking shelter, while Palestinian militants hid weapons and launched attacks from empty UN schools.
Prosor said Zerrougui's office "repeatedly refused attempts on our part to provide official evidence and facts."
Zerrougui's chief of staff Sharon Riggle said in an email to Reuters Israel had received the standard two weeks to respond, as well as three additional days. She said it was not possible to incorporate all comments from individual governments.
According to UN officials, Zerrougui included Israel on a draft blacklist of violators of children's rights, although Ban decided not to include Israel's army on the final blacklist, which names groups like the Taliban and Boko Haram. Prosor said the report disproportionately focused on Israel, even though Iraq, where Islamic State militants control significant territory, had the highest number of child casualties.
The report includes 32 paragraphs on Israel, compared with eight on Iraq, 15 on Afghanistan, 18 on Syria and 11 on Darfur. Zerrougui's report did not mention Hamas by name. Several Israeli officials said on condition of anonymity that Israel told Zerrougui's office how Hamas rockets severely damaged Israeli medical centers and schools - details that were not mentioned.
The officials also said the human rights groups that helped draft Zerrougui's report were biased against Israel.
Israel has accused a senior UN official of misconduct in preparing a report that harshly criticized the IDF over the 2014 Gaza war while leaving it off a blacklist of states and armed groups that violate children's rights in conflict.
The UN Security Council will hold a public debate on Thursday to discuss the latest United Nations report on children and armed conflict. In it, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said "the unprecedented and unacceptable scale of the impact on children in 2014 raises grave concerns about Israel's compliance with international humanitarian law ... (and) excessive use of force."
Although formally presented in Ban's name, the report was prepared by his envoy on children and armed conflict, Leila Zerrougui of Algeria. Israeli UN Ambassador Ron Prosor accused her of "biased conduct against Israel." He also denied Israel had violated international law during the war.
In a letter to Ban, seen by Reuters, Prosor voiced "deep concerns regarding the improper conduct - at every working level - of the office of ... Zerrougui in the process of drafting and producing the report."
According to UN figure, more than 2,100 Palestinians, mostly civilians and including 540 children, were killed during last year's 50-day Gaza Strip war between Hamas and Israel, while 67 Israeli soldiers and six civilians in Israel were killed. A UN inquiry found that Israel fired on seven UN schools and killed 44 Palestinians seeking shelter, while Palestinian militants hid weapons and launched attacks from empty UN schools.
Prosor said Zerrougui's office "repeatedly refused attempts on our part to provide official evidence and facts."
Zerrougui's chief of staff Sharon Riggle said in an email to Reuters Israel had received the standard two weeks to respond, as well as three additional days. She said it was not possible to incorporate all comments from individual governments.
According to UN officials, Zerrougui included Israel on a draft blacklist of violators of children's rights, although Ban decided not to include Israel's army on the final blacklist, which names groups like the Taliban and Boko Haram. Prosor said the report disproportionately focused on Israel, even though Iraq, where Islamic State militants control significant territory, had the highest number of child casualties.
The report includes 32 paragraphs on Israel, compared with eight on Iraq, 15 on Afghanistan, 18 on Syria and 11 on Darfur. Zerrougui's report did not mention Hamas by name. Several Israeli officials said on condition of anonymity that Israel told Zerrougui's office how Hamas rockets severely damaged Israeli medical centers and schools - details that were not mentioned.
The officials also said the human rights groups that helped draft Zerrougui's report were biased against Israel.
17 june 2015
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Jeff Rathke (youtube 22.10)
The United States has supported Israel in rejecting a United Nations human rights investigation into the Gaza war, which has been described by Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as "hostile to Israel and a waste of time". State Department spokesman, Jeff Rathke, told reporters in Washington on Monday that although the report has not been released yet, but the United States has strongly opposed the creation of the Gaza commission of inquiry. "There is unfortunately a long history of anti-Israeli bias in UN resolutions |
and mechanisms, including at the Human Rights Council, which persists in an unbalanced focus on Israel by singling it out with a permanent agenda item, for example. So we've opposed the commission of inquiry reports – the creation of the commission of the inquiry," Rathke said.
He pointed out that his department has not reviewed the report produced by Israel on the Gaza war.
Answering a question on whether he believes there should be an inquiry if the UN report was unfair or biased, Rathke insisted on rejecting the formation of a UN commission of inquiry to begin with.
On Sunday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu slammed the UN commission's report, which is due to be released later this month, saying that reading the report would be a "waste of time".
Recently, Israel prevented a visit by the UN human rights rapporteur, Makarim Wibisono, an Israeli foreign ministry official revealed.
"Israel cooperates with all the international commissions and all rapporteurs, except when the mandate handed to them is anti-Israeli and Israel has no chance to make itself heard," Israel's Foreign Ministry spokesman, Emmanuel Nahshon, said.
He pointed out that his department has not reviewed the report produced by Israel on the Gaza war.
Answering a question on whether he believes there should be an inquiry if the UN report was unfair or biased, Rathke insisted on rejecting the formation of a UN commission of inquiry to begin with.
On Sunday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu slammed the UN commission's report, which is due to be released later this month, saying that reading the report would be a "waste of time".
Recently, Israel prevented a visit by the UN human rights rapporteur, Makarim Wibisono, an Israeli foreign ministry official revealed.
"Israel cooperates with all the international commissions and all rapporteurs, except when the mandate handed to them is anti-Israeli and Israel has no chance to make itself heard," Israel's Foreign Ministry spokesman, Emmanuel Nahshon, said.
