24 may 2014
Palestinian refugees walking through the Galilee in October-November 1948
By Ramzy Baroud
Ramzy Baroud is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is "My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story."
In Jaffa: Land of Oranges, Ghassan Kanafani described his exile from the Palestinian coastal city of Yaffa.
As a 12-year-old boy, he struggled to understand, but "on that night, though, certain threads of that story became clearer ... a big truck was standing in front of our door. Light things, mainly sleeping items, were being chucked into the truck swiftly and hysterically."
A few decades after Kanafani wrote about his exile, I, an 8-year-old boy from a Gaza refugee camp, pondered on my own. When I stood at the borders of Yaffa, the line of what was real and imagined suddenly became blurred.
Once Palestine's largest city, Yaffa turned out not to be a figment of my grandfather's imagination, or Kanafani's, but a tangible space of sand, air and sea. The Palestinian-Arab identity of Yaffa was evident everywhere.
I was a third grader on my first school trip. Gazans were still allowed to cross into Israel in those days, mostly as exploited cheap labor. My family was driven out of Palestine during the Nakba, the "Great Catastrophe" that saw the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes.
My family was comprised of simple peasants from the village of Beit Daras. The residents of my village were known for their love of couscous, and for their legendary stubbornness, courage and pride. Beit Daras residents saw in Yaffa a center of many aspects of their lives. A commercially vibrant port city, known around the world for its oranges, Yafa was home to some of the largest markets in southern Palestine.
Yaffa was a center for Arab culture, and a model of co-existence between religions. But British colonization of Palestine starting in 1917 then morphed into a mandate government in 1922, interrupting the natural historic flow that positioned Yfafa as the beating heart of Palestine.
Strata of educated elites in Yaffa had raised the level of political consciousness of the city to standards that would still be considered high by Middle Eastern criteria today. Politicians, artists, bankers, craftsmen and young and vibrant student communities gave Yaffa a middle class that served an essential role in the fight against British colonialism and its Zionist allies many years before the Nakba and the creation of Israel.
Yaffawi union members organized around labor rights with steadfast commitment. Arab laborers were being laid off and Jewish laborers coming from Europe were taking their place. That mobilization become part of the 1936 strike and revolution, Palestine's first collective uprising that inspired generations of Palestinians, and still does today.
Numerous villages and small towns looked to Yaffa for guidance, and sometimes survival. My grandfather, who owned a small piece of land in Beit Daras, was a craftsman who weaved baskets. Every few days, he hauled the best of what he made into the Isdud and sometimes al-Majdal markets hoping for a few extra Palestinian dinars to supplement his meager income.
But the best was saved for Yaffa because the Yaffawis had the best taste. He would put on his poshest outfit for this trip. After feeding his trusty donkey he would pile his baskets on the cart and embark on the long journey.
"Sido (grandpa) please tell us stories about your adventures in Yaffa," we would plead him, as he sat atop an old mattress in his special corner of a small, decaying house in a refugee camp in Gaza. His stories, which he conveyed with much suspense, trode a fine line between truth and fantasy. When I grew up, I realized that the fantasy was not simply his way to amuse us children, but also a way to express how Yaffa represented my grandfather's greatest triumphs and most humiliating defeats.
Fantasy helped him make sense of the world he had left behind. When the Arabs revolted in 1936, Britain hit back pitilessly. Not only did they kill, imprison and exile many Yaffawis, they also defaced the city. Large parts of the Old City were erased never to be seen again. History was violently undone.
Grandpa was one of the thousands who defended Palestine to the bitter end. Although he was a peasant, who had taught himself how to weave baskets to survive, later he exchanged everything for an old Turkish rifle to defend Beit Daras, as nearby villages were falling in the hands of Zionist militias, one after the other.
Grandpa said much about how beautiful Yaffa was. He would describe the gentle breeze of the sea as it greeted you upon your entrance to the city, and how it would make you feel as if your soul returned to you.
When Beit Daras fell after successive battles between Zionist militias and villagers armed with only a few rifles, grandpa's soul was trapped forever.
When Plan Dalet, the master plan through which most of Palestine was violently conquered, was implemented following the calculated departure of the British forces, the capture of Yaffa became the culmination of a violent campaign.
The highway between Yaffa and Jerusalem was a theater for heroic battles, culminating in the battle of Castal, a few miles away from Jerusalem.
Yaffa, known as the "Bride of Sea" was conquered between April and May, 1948. A major exodus was already underway into Transjordan and Syria. Zionist forces belonging to the Haganah and Irgun set aside their supposed differences as they moved in against Yaffa.
Three different military campaigns were launched simultaneously -- Chametz, Jevussi and Yiftach -- through which Yaffa, areas around Jerusalem and the whole of eastern Galilee were seized. But when Yaffa fell, the pride of Palestine was crushed.
The city was encircled, forcing thousands of people to flee by sea to Gaza or Egypt. Many drowned as small, overcrowded fishing boats gave in and sank. The Arab leadership had hoped the British would not allow the Zionists to conquer Yaffa. They were ill-prepared. Civil defenses arrangements were almost non-existent.
The military disparity between Zionist militias (numbering at about 5,000 well trained fighters) and Arab volunteers (numbering around 1,500) was impossible to overcome without backing from the outside. None came. Men and women died in droves. Tens of thousands were on trek over land, but mostly by sea.
At the age of eight, I discovered that Yaffa was not a fantasy. Much later in life, I discovered that Yaffa, although conquered in battle, still stands through the collective memory of Yaffawis everywhere.
While the term Nakba might be a fitting depiction of what befell the Palestinian nation in 1947-48, it is somoud -- steadfastness -- that keeps the millions of refugees holding on tight to their right of return 66 years after the land of orange trees was conquered, and its somoud that will keep Yaffa alive, forever.
By Ramzy Baroud
Ramzy Baroud is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is "My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story."
In Jaffa: Land of Oranges, Ghassan Kanafani described his exile from the Palestinian coastal city of Yaffa.
As a 12-year-old boy, he struggled to understand, but "on that night, though, certain threads of that story became clearer ... a big truck was standing in front of our door. Light things, mainly sleeping items, were being chucked into the truck swiftly and hysterically."
A few decades after Kanafani wrote about his exile, I, an 8-year-old boy from a Gaza refugee camp, pondered on my own. When I stood at the borders of Yaffa, the line of what was real and imagined suddenly became blurred.
Once Palestine's largest city, Yaffa turned out not to be a figment of my grandfather's imagination, or Kanafani's, but a tangible space of sand, air and sea. The Palestinian-Arab identity of Yaffa was evident everywhere.
I was a third grader on my first school trip. Gazans were still allowed to cross into Israel in those days, mostly as exploited cheap labor. My family was driven out of Palestine during the Nakba, the "Great Catastrophe" that saw the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes.
My family was comprised of simple peasants from the village of Beit Daras. The residents of my village were known for their love of couscous, and for their legendary stubbornness, courage and pride. Beit Daras residents saw in Yaffa a center of many aspects of their lives. A commercially vibrant port city, known around the world for its oranges, Yafa was home to some of the largest markets in southern Palestine.
Yaffa was a center for Arab culture, and a model of co-existence between religions. But British colonization of Palestine starting in 1917 then morphed into a mandate government in 1922, interrupting the natural historic flow that positioned Yfafa as the beating heart of Palestine.
Strata of educated elites in Yaffa had raised the level of political consciousness of the city to standards that would still be considered high by Middle Eastern criteria today. Politicians, artists, bankers, craftsmen and young and vibrant student communities gave Yaffa a middle class that served an essential role in the fight against British colonialism and its Zionist allies many years before the Nakba and the creation of Israel.
Yaffawi union members organized around labor rights with steadfast commitment. Arab laborers were being laid off and Jewish laborers coming from Europe were taking their place. That mobilization become part of the 1936 strike and revolution, Palestine's first collective uprising that inspired generations of Palestinians, and still does today.
Numerous villages and small towns looked to Yaffa for guidance, and sometimes survival. My grandfather, who owned a small piece of land in Beit Daras, was a craftsman who weaved baskets. Every few days, he hauled the best of what he made into the Isdud and sometimes al-Majdal markets hoping for a few extra Palestinian dinars to supplement his meager income.
But the best was saved for Yaffa because the Yaffawis had the best taste. He would put on his poshest outfit for this trip. After feeding his trusty donkey he would pile his baskets on the cart and embark on the long journey.
"Sido (grandpa) please tell us stories about your adventures in Yaffa," we would plead him, as he sat atop an old mattress in his special corner of a small, decaying house in a refugee camp in Gaza. His stories, which he conveyed with much suspense, trode a fine line between truth and fantasy. When I grew up, I realized that the fantasy was not simply his way to amuse us children, but also a way to express how Yaffa represented my grandfather's greatest triumphs and most humiliating defeats.
Fantasy helped him make sense of the world he had left behind. When the Arabs revolted in 1936, Britain hit back pitilessly. Not only did they kill, imprison and exile many Yaffawis, they also defaced the city. Large parts of the Old City were erased never to be seen again. History was violently undone.
Grandpa was one of the thousands who defended Palestine to the bitter end. Although he was a peasant, who had taught himself how to weave baskets to survive, later he exchanged everything for an old Turkish rifle to defend Beit Daras, as nearby villages were falling in the hands of Zionist militias, one after the other.
Grandpa said much about how beautiful Yaffa was. He would describe the gentle breeze of the sea as it greeted you upon your entrance to the city, and how it would make you feel as if your soul returned to you.
When Beit Daras fell after successive battles between Zionist militias and villagers armed with only a few rifles, grandpa's soul was trapped forever.
When Plan Dalet, the master plan through which most of Palestine was violently conquered, was implemented following the calculated departure of the British forces, the capture of Yaffa became the culmination of a violent campaign.
The highway between Yaffa and Jerusalem was a theater for heroic battles, culminating in the battle of Castal, a few miles away from Jerusalem.
Yaffa, known as the "Bride of Sea" was conquered between April and May, 1948. A major exodus was already underway into Transjordan and Syria. Zionist forces belonging to the Haganah and Irgun set aside their supposed differences as they moved in against Yaffa.
Three different military campaigns were launched simultaneously -- Chametz, Jevussi and Yiftach -- through which Yaffa, areas around Jerusalem and the whole of eastern Galilee were seized. But when Yaffa fell, the pride of Palestine was crushed.
The city was encircled, forcing thousands of people to flee by sea to Gaza or Egypt. Many drowned as small, overcrowded fishing boats gave in and sank. The Arab leadership had hoped the British would not allow the Zionists to conquer Yaffa. They were ill-prepared. Civil defenses arrangements were almost non-existent.
The military disparity between Zionist militias (numbering at about 5,000 well trained fighters) and Arab volunteers (numbering around 1,500) was impossible to overcome without backing from the outside. None came. Men and women died in droves. Tens of thousands were on trek over land, but mostly by sea.
At the age of eight, I discovered that Yaffa was not a fantasy. Much later in life, I discovered that Yaffa, although conquered in battle, still stands through the collective memory of Yaffawis everywhere.
While the term Nakba might be a fitting depiction of what befell the Palestinian nation in 1947-48, it is somoud -- steadfastness -- that keeps the millions of refugees holding on tight to their right of return 66 years after the land of orange trees was conquered, and its somoud that will keep Yaffa alive, forever.
20 may 2014
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Image from video showing killing of two youth
A newly-released surveillance video showing the killing of two teenage boys, age 16 and 17, by Israeli troops during a demonstration last week contradicts Israeli accounts of the incident. While the Israeli government claimed that the boys were throwing stones, the video clearly shows that neither they nor any other youth were throwing stones at the time the shots were fired. They were in the same area where a protest had been taking place, outside of Ofer Prison to mark the occasion of the Nakba, or Catastrophe, on May 15th (the day the state of Israel declared independence and |
established itself as a state on what had been Palestine). But at the time of the shooting of the two boys, the protest was in a lull.
The video shows one boy walking slowly, by himself, with no one around him and no protesters nearby, then falling to the ground with a fatal gunshot wound. A few minutes later, the second child is walking slowly, in nearly the same spot, when he , too, falls to the ground from a gunshot wound.
The victims of the shooting were identified as 17-year-old Nadim Siam Nuwara, and 16-year-old Muhammad Mahmoud Odeh Abu al-Thahir.
According to Defence for Children International, which obtained and released the video footage, the CCTV footage was captured by cameras mounted on the building where the incident took place, which is owned by Fakher Zayed.
“The images captured on video show unlawful killings where neither child presented a direct and immediate threat to life at the time of their shooting,” said Rifat Kassis, executive director of DCI-Palestine. “These acts by Israeli soldiers may amount to war crimes, and the Israeli authorities must conduct serious, impartial, and thorough investigations to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes.”
Israeli officials made no comment on the new video footage.
The video shows one boy walking slowly, by himself, with no one around him and no protesters nearby, then falling to the ground with a fatal gunshot wound. A few minutes later, the second child is walking slowly, in nearly the same spot, when he , too, falls to the ground from a gunshot wound.
The victims of the shooting were identified as 17-year-old Nadim Siam Nuwara, and 16-year-old Muhammad Mahmoud Odeh Abu al-Thahir.
According to Defence for Children International, which obtained and released the video footage, the CCTV footage was captured by cameras mounted on the building where the incident took place, which is owned by Fakher Zayed.
“The images captured on video show unlawful killings where neither child presented a direct and immediate threat to life at the time of their shooting,” said Rifat Kassis, executive director of DCI-Palestine. “These acts by Israeli soldiers may amount to war crimes, and the Israeli authorities must conduct serious, impartial, and thorough investigations to hold the perpetrators accountable for their crimes.”
Israeli officials made no comment on the new video footage.
16 may 2014
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By Alex Shams
Towering above the gargantuan Jerusalem Mall and the repetitive, non-descript homes of the Malha (or Manahat) suburb of West Jerusalem is a curious sight -- a large minaret from which the call to prayer never rings forth. To the south of the mall are the hills of the central West Bank, dotted by Jewish-only settlements and a few Palestinian villages surrounded by the Israeli separation wall, tucked away from the view of those below. But this minaret sits squarely in West Jerusalem, in what is internationally recognized as the state of Israel. |
The minaret belongs to the mosque of the once-thriving Palestinian village of al-Malha, a Jerusalem suburb that was once home to more than 2,000.
Their descendants, today numbering more than 10,000, live as refugees across the West Bank, their ancestors having fallen victim to the ethnic cleansing of West Jerusalem Palestinians in the Nakba of 1948.
The minaret of the now non-functioning village mosque, however, is forever visible from across the valley, a perpetual reminder of the lives destroyed by the 1948 "catastrophe" that laid the foundations for the Jewish-majority state.
In the years following the Nakba, Israeli authorities made a concerted effort to wipe out the traces of the more than 400 Palestinian villages that were ethnically cleansed in the months before and after Israel declared independence.
The vast majority of the homes of most of the 750,000 Palestinian refugees were systematically destroyed by bands of newly-enlisted and newly-immigrated Israeli soldiers in the 1950s, while the decades following saw the planting of "national parks" by the Jewish National Fund atop the majority of them.
These forests -- whose construction was facilitated by laws such as the Absentees' Property Law and the Land Acquisition (Validation of Acts and Compensation) Law that transferred millions of dollars of Palestinian land and property to the state -- served the dual purpose of creating sites of leisure for Israelis, complete with signs pointing visitors to "ancient ruins," while also making the dreamed of return of refugees appear visibly more unlikely.
Not all Palestinian villages suffered the same fate, however, as those located close to what-became primarily Jewish urban centers -- like West Jerusalem, Haifa, and Tel Aviv -- were often given over for temporary housing for Jews immigrating from Middle Eastern countries.
Lifta, in Jerusalem's far west, is a famous example of a Palestinian village that was largely preserved.
Some of these preserved Palestinian villages have in recent years witnessed a flurry of interest, as they become host to upper-class Jewish families seeking "authentic Arab architecture" -- without the Arabs.
The al-Malha neighborhood of West Jerusalem is one such village.
High above the Refaim Valley, al-Malha was once part of a network of Palestinian villages in the area that extended from Battir in the west and along to al-Walaja and Katamon.
The valley famously hosts a segment of the Hijaz railway, which once connected Damascus to the holy city of Medina.
The al-Malha railway station still stands in the valley and continues on to Battir and points further southwest, passing in view of the Palestinian villagers residing nearby who are forbidden from approaching the tracks.
The alleyways of the village preserve their original feel, though the mosque itself is shut tight, located behind a warren of Palestinian homes now occupied by Israelis.
The gates of the homes, however, are engraved with stars of David, while an unusually high number of Israeli flags -- even for a West Jerusalem neighborhood -- cover the windows.
The haunting absence of the Palestinian refugees of al-Malha, denied their right of return to their homes for the last 66 years, is felt even more urgently in the fervently visible nationalism of the village's new residents.
Until that right is realized, however, the refugees of al-Malha lie in wait across the small valley in the hills of the West Bank, hoping one day to hear the call to prayer ring forth once again.
Their descendants, today numbering more than 10,000, live as refugees across the West Bank, their ancestors having fallen victim to the ethnic cleansing of West Jerusalem Palestinians in the Nakba of 1948.
The minaret of the now non-functioning village mosque, however, is forever visible from across the valley, a perpetual reminder of the lives destroyed by the 1948 "catastrophe" that laid the foundations for the Jewish-majority state.
In the years following the Nakba, Israeli authorities made a concerted effort to wipe out the traces of the more than 400 Palestinian villages that were ethnically cleansed in the months before and after Israel declared independence.
The vast majority of the homes of most of the 750,000 Palestinian refugees were systematically destroyed by bands of newly-enlisted and newly-immigrated Israeli soldiers in the 1950s, while the decades following saw the planting of "national parks" by the Jewish National Fund atop the majority of them.
These forests -- whose construction was facilitated by laws such as the Absentees' Property Law and the Land Acquisition (Validation of Acts and Compensation) Law that transferred millions of dollars of Palestinian land and property to the state -- served the dual purpose of creating sites of leisure for Israelis, complete with signs pointing visitors to "ancient ruins," while also making the dreamed of return of refugees appear visibly more unlikely.
Not all Palestinian villages suffered the same fate, however, as those located close to what-became primarily Jewish urban centers -- like West Jerusalem, Haifa, and Tel Aviv -- were often given over for temporary housing for Jews immigrating from Middle Eastern countries.
Lifta, in Jerusalem's far west, is a famous example of a Palestinian village that was largely preserved.
Some of these preserved Palestinian villages have in recent years witnessed a flurry of interest, as they become host to upper-class Jewish families seeking "authentic Arab architecture" -- without the Arabs.
The al-Malha neighborhood of West Jerusalem is one such village.
High above the Refaim Valley, al-Malha was once part of a network of Palestinian villages in the area that extended from Battir in the west and along to al-Walaja and Katamon.
The valley famously hosts a segment of the Hijaz railway, which once connected Damascus to the holy city of Medina.
The al-Malha railway station still stands in the valley and continues on to Battir and points further southwest, passing in view of the Palestinian villagers residing nearby who are forbidden from approaching the tracks.
The alleyways of the village preserve their original feel, though the mosque itself is shut tight, located behind a warren of Palestinian homes now occupied by Israelis.
The gates of the homes, however, are engraved with stars of David, while an unusually high number of Israeli flags -- even for a West Jerusalem neighborhood -- cover the windows.
The haunting absence of the Palestinian refugees of al-Malha, denied their right of return to their homes for the last 66 years, is felt even more urgently in the fervently visible nationalism of the village's new residents.
Until that right is realized, however, the refugees of al-Malha lie in wait across the small valley in the hills of the West Bank, hoping one day to hear the call to prayer ring forth once again.
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He stepped into the village of his great-grandfathers for the first time in his life on his wedding day, the 66th anniversary of the 1948 Palestinian Nakba.
Imad al-Din Younis Rumman insisted on taking his bride, Rana Assi, in her white wedding dress to the village of Suba that his great-grandfathers were expelled from more than six decades before by Zionist militias. Rumman, however, does not have a permit to enter Jerusalem. Luckily for him, however, when the Israeli soldiers saw him in a groom's tuxedo with his bride in her |
white dress sitting beside him in a car with an Israeli plate that they borrowed, they did not bother to search for permits.
From the checkpoint, the soon-to-be newlyweds passed easily on to Suba, a village to the west of Jerusalem near al-Qastal. Once famous for its nearby crusader castle, today the village is just a hill with a few destroyed houses, overrun with grass and wildflowers, overlooking a nearby Jewish planned town.
The couple stood in the village between the few decrepit homes, where Imad told his bride the stories he had grown up hearing about the village growing up. They both could not help but let tears down, especially as the bride recounted the tales of her family's own "displaced" village, Deir Tarif, which she has never been to.
Rumman told Ma'an that he is proud of what he had done to reach Suba, for the trip was a dream come true.
Despite all this sadness, he said, he still hopes to return to Suba one day to rebuilt his father's old house and to work on his land.
Rumman promised his bride that the next visit to the village would be with their future son or daughter, who they agreed would carry the name of the village.
From the checkpoint, the soon-to-be newlyweds passed easily on to Suba, a village to the west of Jerusalem near al-Qastal. Once famous for its nearby crusader castle, today the village is just a hill with a few destroyed houses, overrun with grass and wildflowers, overlooking a nearby Jewish planned town.
The couple stood in the village between the few decrepit homes, where Imad told his bride the stories he had grown up hearing about the village growing up. They both could not help but let tears down, especially as the bride recounted the tales of her family's own "displaced" village, Deir Tarif, which she has never been to.
Rumman told Ma'an that he is proud of what he had done to reach Suba, for the trip was a dream come true.
Despite all this sadness, he said, he still hopes to return to Suba one day to rebuilt his father's old house and to work on his land.
Rumman promised his bride that the next visit to the village would be with their future son or daughter, who they agreed would carry the name of the village.
11 Palestinians suffered injuries on Thursday during clashes with the Israeli occupation forces (IOF) in dial-Khalil city. According to medical sources in al-Khalil hospital, 17-year-old Ali Ghait was shot with a bullet in one of his eyes and rushed to the hospital for medical treatment.
The clashes erupted when the IOF attacked a rally held by national and Islamic forces in al-Khalil on the anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba.
The Palestinian information center (PIC) reporter said a number of Israeli snipers were deployed on rooftops of buildings near al-Sheikh neighborhood and al-Zawiya Gate and opened fire at Palestinian young men.
The clashes erupted when the IOF attacked a rally held by national and Islamic forces in al-Khalil on the anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba.
The Palestinian information center (PIC) reporter said a number of Israeli snipers were deployed on rooftops of buildings near al-Sheikh neighborhood and al-Zawiya Gate and opened fire at Palestinian young men.
Israeli forces have displayed continuing recklessness in their use of force against Palestinian protesters when they killed a young man and a teenager, and injured others, during a crackdown on demonstrations to commemorate the Nakba in the occupied West Bank today, said Amnesty International.
The killings occurred in a demonstration outside Ofer military camp. As well as commemorating the Nakba (the dispossession of Palestinians in 1948), the demonstrators were expressing solidarity with around 125 Palestinian detainees who are being held by Israel without charge and have been on hunger strike for 22 days to protest their detention conditions.
The Israeli army and border police used excessive, including lethal, force in response to rock-throwing protesters who could not have posed a threat to the lives of the soldiers and policemen in or near the fortified military camp.
"The news that two Palestinians were killed during today's demonstrations is alarming. Israeli forces have repeatedly resorted to extreme violence to respond to Palestinian protests against Israel's occupation, discriminatory policies, confiscation of land and construction of unlawful settlements. The use of unnecessary and excessive force by Israeli forces against protesters in the occupied Palestinian territories, and in Israel, is unacceptable and must be stopped immediately," said Philip Luther, Director of the Middle East and North Africa Programme at Amnesty International.
"The Israeli authorities must ensure that their forces act in a manner that respects and upholds human rights. Amnesty International is calling for a prompt, independent, and transparent investigation into these deaths and injuries."
Amnesty International documented the repeated use of excessive force and unlawful killings of dozens of Palestinian civilians, including children, in the occupied West Bank over the past three years in its report Trigger Happy: Israel's excessive use of force in the West Bank, released in February 2014.
Israel must uphold its obligations under international law to respect the right to life by adhering strictly to international standards on the use of force by law enforcement officials, and guarantee the right of Palestinians to peaceful assembly. They must also ensure the rights of victims of human rights violations, and their families, to full reparation.
The killings occurred in a demonstration outside Ofer military camp. As well as commemorating the Nakba (the dispossession of Palestinians in 1948), the demonstrators were expressing solidarity with around 125 Palestinian detainees who are being held by Israel without charge and have been on hunger strike for 22 days to protest their detention conditions.
The Israeli army and border police used excessive, including lethal, force in response to rock-throwing protesters who could not have posed a threat to the lives of the soldiers and policemen in or near the fortified military camp.
"The news that two Palestinians were killed during today's demonstrations is alarming. Israeli forces have repeatedly resorted to extreme violence to respond to Palestinian protests against Israel's occupation, discriminatory policies, confiscation of land and construction of unlawful settlements. The use of unnecessary and excessive force by Israeli forces against protesters in the occupied Palestinian territories, and in Israel, is unacceptable and must be stopped immediately," said Philip Luther, Director of the Middle East and North Africa Programme at Amnesty International.
"The Israeli authorities must ensure that their forces act in a manner that respects and upholds human rights. Amnesty International is calling for a prompt, independent, and transparent investigation into these deaths and injuries."
Amnesty International documented the repeated use of excessive force and unlawful killings of dozens of Palestinian civilians, including children, in the occupied West Bank over the past three years in its report Trigger Happy: Israel's excessive use of force in the West Bank, released in February 2014.
Israel must uphold its obligations under international law to respect the right to life by adhering strictly to international standards on the use of force by law enforcement officials, and guarantee the right of Palestinians to peaceful assembly. They must also ensure the rights of victims of human rights violations, and their families, to full reparation.
US Secretary of State John Kerry Thursday met with Israel's chief peace negotiator Tzipi Livni in London, just weeks after his relentless bid to broker a treaty with the Palestinians came screeching to a halt.
US officials confirmed that the top American diplomat had held surprise talks with Israeli Justice Minister Livni, as they took advantage of both being in London at the same time for different meetings.
Kerry voiced concern after two Palestinians were shot dead by Israeli forces Thursday during a protest outside the Ofer prison near Ramallah, on the West Bank.
Kerry "again urges both sides to refrain from unhelpful steps," a senior State Department official said in a statement.
"He is concerned about the violent incident that took place today outside the Ofer prison and calls upon both sides to exercise maximum restraint."
Kerry met Livni after holding talks on Wednesday in the British capital with Palestinian leader Mahmud Abbas in the wake of the collapse last month of the peace process.
The State Department official said he and Livni both happened to be in London "and it provided an opportunity for them to catch up since the pause in the negotiations."
Kerry gave Livni the same message as he had stressed to Abbas -- that the fate of the talks lies in the hands of the Israelis and Palestinians.
"While the door remains open to peace, the parties must determine whether they are willing to take the steps necessary to resume negotiations," the US official said.
Kerry had also reiterated to Abbas on Wednesday that any Palestinian government must recognize Israel and commit to non-violence.
British Foreign Secretary William Hague later tweeted to confirm he had also met with Livni for talks on the peace process, urging that the "opportunity for peace must be seized."
Kerry coaxed the Israelis and the Palestinians back to the negotiating table in July 2013 after a three-year hiatus, and both sides agreed to keep talking for nine months.
But the April 29 deadline expired with the peace process in disarray, forcing Kerry and his team to declare a "pause" in the negotiations.
In more violence in the region, Israeli border police shot dead two Palestinians on Thursday during a demonstration in the West Bank marking the 66th anniversary of the Nakba, or "catastrophe" of Israel's creation in 1948 and the expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians it entailed.
The shooting triggered a warning from the Palestinians that they may "seriously consider a halt to security coordination with the Israeli side," Palestinian security spokesman Adnan al-Damiri told AFP.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu meanwhile on Thursday accused the Palestinians of teaching their children that Israel "should be made to disappear."
The Israeli answer was to "continue building our country and our unified capital, Jerusalem," said the right-wing premier.
Jerusalem has been under Israeli occupation since 1967, along with the rest of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
US officials confirmed that the top American diplomat had held surprise talks with Israeli Justice Minister Livni, as they took advantage of both being in London at the same time for different meetings.
Kerry voiced concern after two Palestinians were shot dead by Israeli forces Thursday during a protest outside the Ofer prison near Ramallah, on the West Bank.
Kerry "again urges both sides to refrain from unhelpful steps," a senior State Department official said in a statement.
"He is concerned about the violent incident that took place today outside the Ofer prison and calls upon both sides to exercise maximum restraint."
Kerry met Livni after holding talks on Wednesday in the British capital with Palestinian leader Mahmud Abbas in the wake of the collapse last month of the peace process.
The State Department official said he and Livni both happened to be in London "and it provided an opportunity for them to catch up since the pause in the negotiations."
Kerry gave Livni the same message as he had stressed to Abbas -- that the fate of the talks lies in the hands of the Israelis and Palestinians.
"While the door remains open to peace, the parties must determine whether they are willing to take the steps necessary to resume negotiations," the US official said.
Kerry had also reiterated to Abbas on Wednesday that any Palestinian government must recognize Israel and commit to non-violence.
British Foreign Secretary William Hague later tweeted to confirm he had also met with Livni for talks on the peace process, urging that the "opportunity for peace must be seized."
Kerry coaxed the Israelis and the Palestinians back to the negotiating table in July 2013 after a three-year hiatus, and both sides agreed to keep talking for nine months.
But the April 29 deadline expired with the peace process in disarray, forcing Kerry and his team to declare a "pause" in the negotiations.
In more violence in the region, Israeli border police shot dead two Palestinians on Thursday during a demonstration in the West Bank marking the 66th anniversary of the Nakba, or "catastrophe" of Israel's creation in 1948 and the expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians it entailed.
The shooting triggered a warning from the Palestinians that they may "seriously consider a halt to security coordination with the Israeli side," Palestinian security spokesman Adnan al-Damiri told AFP.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu meanwhile on Thursday accused the Palestinians of teaching their children that Israel "should be made to disappear."
The Israeli answer was to "continue building our country and our unified capital, Jerusalem," said the right-wing premier.
Jerusalem has been under Israeli occupation since 1967, along with the rest of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
The Gaza Strip ministry of interior pledged on Thursday to open an investigation into violence used by the security forces against journalists who were covering a rally east of Gaza.
Spokesman for the ministry Iyad al-Bizm said they were distressed by the "unjustified behavior of security forces with demonstrators and journalists."
Al-Bizm added that the incident "will not go unnoticed" and an investigation has been opened to hold all violators of the law accountable.
He explained that security forces "rough handling" of demonstrators was to prevent them from reaching zones of tension with Israel and to preserve their lives, but he added that "other measures could have been taken to achieve that goal without abusing or assaulting demonstrators."
Israeli forces frequently shoot at farmers and other civilians inside the Gaza Strip if they approach large swathes of land -- between 500 and 1500 meters from the border -- that the Israeli military has deemed off-limits to Palestinians.
Gaza security forces, however, rarely intervene to stop protestors or journalists from approaching the area.
Spokesman for the ministry Iyad al-Bizm said they were distressed by the "unjustified behavior of security forces with demonstrators and journalists."
Al-Bizm added that the incident "will not go unnoticed" and an investigation has been opened to hold all violators of the law accountable.
He explained that security forces "rough handling" of demonstrators was to prevent them from reaching zones of tension with Israel and to preserve their lives, but he added that "other measures could have been taken to achieve that goal without abusing or assaulting demonstrators."
Israeli forces frequently shoot at farmers and other civilians inside the Gaza Strip if they approach large swathes of land -- between 500 and 1500 meters from the border -- that the Israeli military has deemed off-limits to Palestinians.
Gaza security forces, however, rarely intervene to stop protestors or journalists from approaching the area.
