28 aug 2017
A source in the Israel Security Agency, Shin Bet, reported a new generation from the Revolt movement, a radical Jewish extremist group in the West Bank area, and its members, are concentrated in the Bladim settlement outpost, near Nablus.
The “formal generation” of this organization was responsible for crimes against Palestinians, including the arson attack of the Dawabsha family house in Douma village, near Nablus, in which three members of the family were killed, including 18-month-old baby, Ali.
The group is also responsible for arsoning The Church of the Multiplication of the Loaves and Fishes, on the shores of Lake Tiberias. The announcement of the emergence of this second generation is a warning of “radical Jewish terrorism”, Haaretz daily reported on Sunday, according to the PNN.
Members of this terrorist organization, which emerged from the extremist nationalist right-wing Hilltop Youth group, attack Palestinians, non-Jewish sites and Israeli leftist activists as well as Israeli soldiers, as a form of revolt, since the soldiers, they claim, did not “use much force against the Palestinians” during the eviction of Amona settlement outpost near Ramallah, back in February.
It was thought that their terrorist activities had stopped. However, Shin Bet’s surveillance operations confirm that member of the organization who are Jewish kids and young people are re-gathering in order to organize more acts of terrorism.
The leader of this organization, Meir Ettinger, is the grandson of the fascist Rabbi Meir Kahana. Shin Bet described him as “the number one goal of the Jewish circle”.
The Israeli army had dismantled the illegal settlement outpost of Baladim. The Shin Bet reported that the groups has lessened its activities following the evacuation of the outpost, the arrest of a number of members of the terrorist organization, and after issuing . of the organization.
However, Haartez quoted a source whom they described as always consequent on both Shin Bet and Hilltop youth activities. The source wrote that describing this group as a “terrorist organization” is exaggerated, and that the The Revolt movement is an unknown social group. It has a few dozen members who are between the ages of 16 and 25,and they do not act like an organized terrorist group.
Shin Bet also reported that, in addition to the new members of the group, old members of the group are returning. The group’s new activists do not know the methods of the Shin Bet, but are eager to carry out the activities of the organization and have no fear or intention of holding back, as the old members.
The group has committed several acts of terror, following the evacuation of the Amona settlement outpost, including the burning of two cars in Howwara and Burin, near Nablus. They have also attempted to damage a diplomatic car near the Spanish council in Jerusalem.
Shin Bet announced that it has the names of almost ten new members of the group and, since the beginning of this year, the Israeli army also issued 47 administrative orders against members of the organization, 28 of which are still effective. Only five activists are in prison, following a breach of administrative orders against them.
The “formal generation” of this organization was responsible for crimes against Palestinians, including the arson attack of the Dawabsha family house in Douma village, near Nablus, in which three members of the family were killed, including 18-month-old baby, Ali.
The group is also responsible for arsoning The Church of the Multiplication of the Loaves and Fishes, on the shores of Lake Tiberias. The announcement of the emergence of this second generation is a warning of “radical Jewish terrorism”, Haaretz daily reported on Sunday, according to the PNN.
Members of this terrorist organization, which emerged from the extremist nationalist right-wing Hilltop Youth group, attack Palestinians, non-Jewish sites and Israeli leftist activists as well as Israeli soldiers, as a form of revolt, since the soldiers, they claim, did not “use much force against the Palestinians” during the eviction of Amona settlement outpost near Ramallah, back in February.
It was thought that their terrorist activities had stopped. However, Shin Bet’s surveillance operations confirm that member of the organization who are Jewish kids and young people are re-gathering in order to organize more acts of terrorism.
The leader of this organization, Meir Ettinger, is the grandson of the fascist Rabbi Meir Kahana. Shin Bet described him as “the number one goal of the Jewish circle”.
The Israeli army had dismantled the illegal settlement outpost of Baladim. The Shin Bet reported that the groups has lessened its activities following the evacuation of the outpost, the arrest of a number of members of the terrorist organization, and after issuing . of the organization.
However, Haartez quoted a source whom they described as always consequent on both Shin Bet and Hilltop youth activities. The source wrote that describing this group as a “terrorist organization” is exaggerated, and that the The Revolt movement is an unknown social group. It has a few dozen members who are between the ages of 16 and 25,and they do not act like an organized terrorist group.
Shin Bet also reported that, in addition to the new members of the group, old members of the group are returning. The group’s new activists do not know the methods of the Shin Bet, but are eager to carry out the activities of the organization and have no fear or intention of holding back, as the old members.
The group has committed several acts of terror, following the evacuation of the Amona settlement outpost, including the burning of two cars in Howwara and Burin, near Nablus. They have also attempted to damage a diplomatic car near the Spanish council in Jerusalem.
Shin Bet announced that it has the names of almost ten new members of the group and, since the beginning of this year, the Israeli army also issued 47 administrative orders against members of the organization, 28 of which are still effective. Only five activists are in prison, following a breach of administrative orders against them.
17 oct 2013
A boy stands near a car burnt by settlers in Nablus
Ex-Shin Bet security chief Carmi Gillon said Wednesday that 'price tag' attacks in the occupied West Bank are laying the foundation for a political assassination in Israel, news site Ynet reported.
"Today they call it 'price tag' because there is no actual threat of returning territories, but this is where the foundations lay for the next (political) murderer," Gillon was quoted as saying.
Speaking at a ceremony to mark the 18th anniversary of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's murder by a Jewish extremist, Gillon criticized Israel's law enforcement establishment and radical right-wing rabbis for contributing to a continuation in attacks.
"Behind the Jewish underground, such as Yigal Amir, were rabbis. We know who they are but it requires courage to deal with them. Everyone says it is a political (issue) and we may be criticized for it."
"When the Latrun monastery is spray-painted, it troubles the entire Protestant world, and we cry about antisemitism? Those who seek to destroy and devastate us come out of us," Gillon said.
Settler violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank is routine.
Israeli rights group Yesh Din says settler violence is part of a "sophisticated, wider strategy designed to assert territorial domination over Palestinians in the West Bank."
In 2012, there were 353 incidents of settler violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
The UN group said that one Palestinian was killed and over 1,300 injured by settlers or Israeli security forces in incidents directly or indirectly related to settlements.
Over 90 percent of investigations by Israeli police into settler violence fail to lead to an indictment.
Ex-Shin Bet security chief Carmi Gillon said Wednesday that 'price tag' attacks in the occupied West Bank are laying the foundation for a political assassination in Israel, news site Ynet reported.
"Today they call it 'price tag' because there is no actual threat of returning territories, but this is where the foundations lay for the next (political) murderer," Gillon was quoted as saying.
Speaking at a ceremony to mark the 18th anniversary of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's murder by a Jewish extremist, Gillon criticized Israel's law enforcement establishment and radical right-wing rabbis for contributing to a continuation in attacks.
"Behind the Jewish underground, such as Yigal Amir, were rabbis. We know who they are but it requires courage to deal with them. Everyone says it is a political (issue) and we may be criticized for it."
"When the Latrun monastery is spray-painted, it troubles the entire Protestant world, and we cry about antisemitism? Those who seek to destroy and devastate us come out of us," Gillon said.
Settler violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank is routine.
Israeli rights group Yesh Din says settler violence is part of a "sophisticated, wider strategy designed to assert territorial domination over Palestinians in the West Bank."
In 2012, there were 353 incidents of settler violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
The UN group said that one Palestinian was killed and over 1,300 injured by settlers or Israeli security forces in incidents directly or indirectly related to settlements.
Over 90 percent of investigations by Israeli police into settler violence fail to lead to an indictment.
18 sept 2013
Panelists at the World Summit on Counter Terrorism in Herzelia, September 2013
The World Summit on Counter Terrorism in Herzliya, through the eyes of the only person in the room who has sat down with the head of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah.
By Paula Schmitt
One type of person you can be sure to find at a conference on counter-terrorism is terrorists. I just attended a four-day long counter-terrorism masturbathon in Israel and the place was full of them. They don’t call themselves that, of course, they like to be called counter-terrorists. Tomato, tomah-to. I couldn’t care less for semantics, but if that’s your thing you may want to attend the next ICT’s World Summit in Herzliya.
In this year’s edition, one panel was called “Defining Terrorism – A Fundamental Counter-Terrorist Measure,” and among the panelists was a member of a so-called “Jewish Diplomatic Corps’ Task Force on the Definition of Terrorism.” The official count is at 109 definitions of the word – I kid you not. Yet among all those versions of terrorism, my favorite one was not even close to making an appearance at the conference. It’s alleged to have been penned by Peter Ustinov, and it’s a masterpiece on the taxonomy of power:
Terrorism is the war of the poor, and war is terrorism of the rich.
You’d think those counter-terrrrrorrrrists should have more relevant things to do, but do not belittle the exercise – determining what terrorism is (and what it isn’t) is extremely important. By properly defining it, The Definer makes sure his own extrajudicial assassinations, occupation, torture and killing of civilians are not included in the category. It’s a tricky thing: on one hand the definition cannot be so broad to include The Definer, but on the other it should be broad enough to include as many perpetrators as possible – the more you seem to be attacked, the better. There are great returns on terrorism for those claiming to be fighting it. For one, it allows the government an incredibly large margin of (il)legal maneuvers, repression and surveillance, while it also increases foreign aid and allows for a lot of unsupervised budget earmarking. But the biggest reward yet is that terrorism helps garner that most precious and elusive of assets – the sympathy of public opinion. When it comes to being a victim of terror, a few lives will go a long way. Even the ex-director of Mossad I interviewed agreed that PR is crucial for their survival. More on that later).
The list of this year’s speakers seemed to gather the crème de la crème of counter-terrorism – or the crap de la crap of morality, depending how you see it. In journalistic terms, it was a dream. I was particularly interested on all the intelligence and security agents, including two former heads of the Mossad and one from the Shin Bet. But I was just not sure the organizers were going to allow me to participate.
I lived in the Middle East for a long time, and covered the 2006 Israeli war in Lebanon, a period when my TV network got several complaints from idiots accusing me of being an anti-Semite. I am also the only Latin American journalist to have interviewed Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary general. Throughout the Middle East, that interview has served me as my little badge certifying to the average paranoid that I could not possibly be a Mossad agent (though the very paranoid ones would think I was simply the best agent ever. You just never win with those people.) It is, indeed, quite a feat not to become a paranoiac here. This corner of the world is where Burroughs’ designation really applies: “A paranoid is someone who knows what’s going on.” So, I feared that in Israel that same badge would perhaps have the opposite effect – it would probably indicate I had dangerous connections.
Thus, it was with great surprise, and then some suspicion, that I received ICT’s email accepting my request to attend the conference. Okay, I thought, so they didn’t think that having interviewed Nasrallah made me a sympathizer or a Hezbollah agent. But what about my novel? I’ve written a book, Eudemonia, about a female journalist who defends the morality of assassination and dreams of killing the CEO of Bechtel with her stockings and the chairman of Goldman Sachs with a paperknife. She then starts to seriously entertain the idea of murdering one of her interviewees, and eventually focuses on giving a taste of war to the would-never-be-veteran and war-monger Duck Chainy, the vice-president of the Pale House. She also believes the State of Israel is a bonafide motivation for acts of terror. How could they accept my registration with that background?
But alas, I should have known better: my novel is widely unread. And as it turned out, having interviewed Israel’s Number One Enemy didn’t make me unwanted – it actually gave me quite a clout. Those Mossad guys have a real hard-on for Hassan. Instead of my having to run after them, it was the Mossad, and the Israel Police who kept coming after me — to offer me interviews, they said.
Don’t get me wrong – I’d love to have an interview with a high-level Mossad official, and indeed I had one, with former director Shabtai Shavit. But I was pretty sure the questions I wanted to ask would never be answered. Not without some sodium pentothal. I’ve had a list of questions for the agency for many years: Was it the Mossad who killed Elie Hobeika in a car bomb in Beirut before he could testify against Ariel Sharon in Belgium? Was it the Mossad who shot dead Michael Nassar less than two months later in Brazil, killing him and his wife before Nassar could take part in the same Belgium trial? Did the Mossad kill Jorg Heider? I also wanted to know if Ben Zygier knew something about the Bali Bombings (Zygier is the Mossad agent who allegedly committed suicide in a high-security jail in Israel, and whose family has just been paid $1 million to drop any ideas of a lawsuit.) I also would like to ask about some of the false-flag operations we know of, from the Lavon Affair to the USS Liberty.
Damn right I had questions. But I wouldn’t waste them on answers I knew would never go beyond utter silence or a categorical “no.” I had to posit ideological, philosophical problems that could perhaps allow for the possibility that things may not, after all, be so clearly cut. And I think I was getting there, until, to use an appropriate metaphor, my car swerved in the curve.
The World Summit on Counter Terrorism in Herzliya, through the eyes of the only person in the room who has sat down with the head of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah.
By Paula Schmitt
One type of person you can be sure to find at a conference on counter-terrorism is terrorists. I just attended a four-day long counter-terrorism masturbathon in Israel and the place was full of them. They don’t call themselves that, of course, they like to be called counter-terrorists. Tomato, tomah-to. I couldn’t care less for semantics, but if that’s your thing you may want to attend the next ICT’s World Summit in Herzliya.
In this year’s edition, one panel was called “Defining Terrorism – A Fundamental Counter-Terrorist Measure,” and among the panelists was a member of a so-called “Jewish Diplomatic Corps’ Task Force on the Definition of Terrorism.” The official count is at 109 definitions of the word – I kid you not. Yet among all those versions of terrorism, my favorite one was not even close to making an appearance at the conference. It’s alleged to have been penned by Peter Ustinov, and it’s a masterpiece on the taxonomy of power:
Terrorism is the war of the poor, and war is terrorism of the rich.
You’d think those counter-terrrrrorrrrists should have more relevant things to do, but do not belittle the exercise – determining what terrorism is (and what it isn’t) is extremely important. By properly defining it, The Definer makes sure his own extrajudicial assassinations, occupation, torture and killing of civilians are not included in the category. It’s a tricky thing: on one hand the definition cannot be so broad to include The Definer, but on the other it should be broad enough to include as many perpetrators as possible – the more you seem to be attacked, the better. There are great returns on terrorism for those claiming to be fighting it. For one, it allows the government an incredibly large margin of (il)legal maneuvers, repression and surveillance, while it also increases foreign aid and allows for a lot of unsupervised budget earmarking. But the biggest reward yet is that terrorism helps garner that most precious and elusive of assets – the sympathy of public opinion. When it comes to being a victim of terror, a few lives will go a long way. Even the ex-director of Mossad I interviewed agreed that PR is crucial for their survival. More on that later).
The list of this year’s speakers seemed to gather the crème de la crème of counter-terrorism – or the crap de la crap of morality, depending how you see it. In journalistic terms, it was a dream. I was particularly interested on all the intelligence and security agents, including two former heads of the Mossad and one from the Shin Bet. But I was just not sure the organizers were going to allow me to participate.
I lived in the Middle East for a long time, and covered the 2006 Israeli war in Lebanon, a period when my TV network got several complaints from idiots accusing me of being an anti-Semite. I am also the only Latin American journalist to have interviewed Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary general. Throughout the Middle East, that interview has served me as my little badge certifying to the average paranoid that I could not possibly be a Mossad agent (though the very paranoid ones would think I was simply the best agent ever. You just never win with those people.) It is, indeed, quite a feat not to become a paranoiac here. This corner of the world is where Burroughs’ designation really applies: “A paranoid is someone who knows what’s going on.” So, I feared that in Israel that same badge would perhaps have the opposite effect – it would probably indicate I had dangerous connections.
Thus, it was with great surprise, and then some suspicion, that I received ICT’s email accepting my request to attend the conference. Okay, I thought, so they didn’t think that having interviewed Nasrallah made me a sympathizer or a Hezbollah agent. But what about my novel? I’ve written a book, Eudemonia, about a female journalist who defends the morality of assassination and dreams of killing the CEO of Bechtel with her stockings and the chairman of Goldman Sachs with a paperknife. She then starts to seriously entertain the idea of murdering one of her interviewees, and eventually focuses on giving a taste of war to the would-never-be-veteran and war-monger Duck Chainy, the vice-president of the Pale House. She also believes the State of Israel is a bonafide motivation for acts of terror. How could they accept my registration with that background?
But alas, I should have known better: my novel is widely unread. And as it turned out, having interviewed Israel’s Number One Enemy didn’t make me unwanted – it actually gave me quite a clout. Those Mossad guys have a real hard-on for Hassan. Instead of my having to run after them, it was the Mossad, and the Israel Police who kept coming after me — to offer me interviews, they said.
Don’t get me wrong – I’d love to have an interview with a high-level Mossad official, and indeed I had one, with former director Shabtai Shavit. But I was pretty sure the questions I wanted to ask would never be answered. Not without some sodium pentothal. I’ve had a list of questions for the agency for many years: Was it the Mossad who killed Elie Hobeika in a car bomb in Beirut before he could testify against Ariel Sharon in Belgium? Was it the Mossad who shot dead Michael Nassar less than two months later in Brazil, killing him and his wife before Nassar could take part in the same Belgium trial? Did the Mossad kill Jorg Heider? I also wanted to know if Ben Zygier knew something about the Bali Bombings (Zygier is the Mossad agent who allegedly committed suicide in a high-security jail in Israel, and whose family has just been paid $1 million to drop any ideas of a lawsuit.) I also would like to ask about some of the false-flag operations we know of, from the Lavon Affair to the USS Liberty.
Damn right I had questions. But I wouldn’t waste them on answers I knew would never go beyond utter silence or a categorical “no.” I had to posit ideological, philosophical problems that could perhaps allow for the possibility that things may not, after all, be so clearly cut. And I think I was getting there, until, to use an appropriate metaphor, my car swerved in the curve.
Former Head of Mossad Shabtai Shavit speaks at the ICT’s World Summit on Counter Terrorism, Herzelia 2013
I waited for the plenary session to end. Shabtai Shavit was the first to speak, and he chose to leave the stage right after his turn. But he sat in the audience and courteously waited for everyone else to speak, included retired U.S. general John Abizaid. Like that, he managed to avoid photos and questions, while still being present. He didn’t manage to avoid me, though. Reminding him of his promise the previous day, we walked to the empty restaurant of the Israel Air Force House, where the conference had just taken place.
As I prepared my digital recorder and my phone, Shavit told me the interview could not be recorded. I was shocked. He noticed. I said that was going to be very difficult. He was adamant. I insisted: “If I record, it is safer for you, too. That way you can guarantee I will quote you verbatim”. But that was precisely his problem. He didn’t want his answers registered. “Ok, then” I said. “But if you don’t like it afterwards, it will be your word against mine.”
You’ve said there should be two prerequisites for proper counter-terrorism: certainty of guilt and no collateral damage. So, is counter-terrorism what Israel is actually doing?
I said that in a certain context. Certainly Israel keeps that in mind. We are the most humane country in the world. The constraints we are putting on ourselves… I don’t know of any other country with the same constraints.
Morality. You said yesterday that you would be left as the only moral country on earth. What do you mean by that?
I said that we are fighting an asymmetrical struggle between those who have zero moral considerations and those who don’t stop adding constraint after constraint [to deal with] the bad guys.
Terrorism is said to be the outcome of a very simple formula: motivation plus operational capability. If that is the case, isn’t Israel’s occupation a big cause of terrorism?
The occupation of what, whom? More than half of the Israeli people accept the two-state solution. There’s real willingness to give back the territory based on the ’67 borders.
But what about the illegal settlements? How do you explain them?
I don’t have an explanation for it. I personally accept two states based on ’67 borders and I accept that because I consider myself a moral person ready to accept the other. I am prepared to share with the other, but I expect reciprocity.
What would you say to the theory that the big problem is not, in fact, between Muslims, Christians and Jews, but between extremists and moderates? Wouldn’t you say you perhaps have more in common with a moderate Muslim than you have with a haredi Jew?
I disagree with that statement because I am Jewish and a haredi is a Jewish and Judaism is our common religion. I can argue with his translation of Judaism but he is Jewish. I will never appreciate a Muslim more than a haredi Jew.
Is there such a thing as being an ex-agent? Do you see any difference in how much you can say now and how much you could say before?
I am the sole judge of what I speak. But I was born a very weak speaker. I never regretted something I didn’t say, but the opposite, though… More than once did I regret something I said.
Is not having the interview recorded a way you have of keeping ‘plausible deniability’?
I’ve been burned more than once for recorded interviews.
What do you think is the main difference between someone who kills from the safety of his cockpit and a man who uses his own body to kill other people? We know that both of them – army soldier and suicide-bomber – kill civilians. [He interrupts me before I finish]
Look, I’ve never been in the position of a fighter pilot. Let me rephrase the question for you: what’s the difference between a suicide-bomber and a guy who pushed a drone button? The difference is that a suicide bomber sanctifies death, trying to kill as many civilians without any… he sanctifies death according to his religion. Suicide-bombers kill civilians on purpose.
Peter Ustinov is supposed to have said that “terrorism is war of the poor, and war is terrorism of the rich.” Why do you believe you are entitled to fight a perceived threat with death? By the same token, isn’t their retaliation legitimate? Jewish terrorists bombed the King David Hotel and this has been celebrated… [He interrupts]
I don’t agree with that statement. You cannot distinguish how people are killed? I propose you go learn the history of the Jewish people since the 19th century. We made compromises. We were ready to give, to coexist. Each time when such compromise was proposed to the other side, they refused.
Do you think PR is important? Do you think it matters?
I believe in PR. I am not a PR person, but we don’t have another choice, PR is one of the pillars of our existence.
So, considering this, would you say that every time there is a suicide attack on Israeli civilians, does that make Israel look better on the international stage? I mean, could this — [He interrupts me, holds my hand and says, slowly and without inflection:]
I think you’re going down a slippery slope now. Let’s stop this. How long are you staying here?
“Two more weeks,” I say. “Why? Are you going to assassinate me?”
He stares at me, livid.
“I’m kidding,” I say. “Or am I? Am I kidding?”
“I have never assassinated a beautiful lady,” he answers, a smile showing on his face for the first and last time.
____________
Paula Schmitt (@schmittpaula) is a Brazilian journalist, Middle East correspondent, author of the non-fiction, Advertised to Death – Lebanese Poster-Boys, and the novel Eudemonia.
I waited for the plenary session to end. Shabtai Shavit was the first to speak, and he chose to leave the stage right after his turn. But he sat in the audience and courteously waited for everyone else to speak, included retired U.S. general John Abizaid. Like that, he managed to avoid photos and questions, while still being present. He didn’t manage to avoid me, though. Reminding him of his promise the previous day, we walked to the empty restaurant of the Israel Air Force House, where the conference had just taken place.
As I prepared my digital recorder and my phone, Shavit told me the interview could not be recorded. I was shocked. He noticed. I said that was going to be very difficult. He was adamant. I insisted: “If I record, it is safer for you, too. That way you can guarantee I will quote you verbatim”. But that was precisely his problem. He didn’t want his answers registered. “Ok, then” I said. “But if you don’t like it afterwards, it will be your word against mine.”
You’ve said there should be two prerequisites for proper counter-terrorism: certainty of guilt and no collateral damage. So, is counter-terrorism what Israel is actually doing?
I said that in a certain context. Certainly Israel keeps that in mind. We are the most humane country in the world. The constraints we are putting on ourselves… I don’t know of any other country with the same constraints.
Morality. You said yesterday that you would be left as the only moral country on earth. What do you mean by that?
I said that we are fighting an asymmetrical struggle between those who have zero moral considerations and those who don’t stop adding constraint after constraint [to deal with] the bad guys.
Terrorism is said to be the outcome of a very simple formula: motivation plus operational capability. If that is the case, isn’t Israel’s occupation a big cause of terrorism?
The occupation of what, whom? More than half of the Israeli people accept the two-state solution. There’s real willingness to give back the territory based on the ’67 borders.
But what about the illegal settlements? How do you explain them?
I don’t have an explanation for it. I personally accept two states based on ’67 borders and I accept that because I consider myself a moral person ready to accept the other. I am prepared to share with the other, but I expect reciprocity.
What would you say to the theory that the big problem is not, in fact, between Muslims, Christians and Jews, but between extremists and moderates? Wouldn’t you say you perhaps have more in common with a moderate Muslim than you have with a haredi Jew?
I disagree with that statement because I am Jewish and a haredi is a Jewish and Judaism is our common religion. I can argue with his translation of Judaism but he is Jewish. I will never appreciate a Muslim more than a haredi Jew.
Is there such a thing as being an ex-agent? Do you see any difference in how much you can say now and how much you could say before?
I am the sole judge of what I speak. But I was born a very weak speaker. I never regretted something I didn’t say, but the opposite, though… More than once did I regret something I said.
Is not having the interview recorded a way you have of keeping ‘plausible deniability’?
I’ve been burned more than once for recorded interviews.
What do you think is the main difference between someone who kills from the safety of his cockpit and a man who uses his own body to kill other people? We know that both of them – army soldier and suicide-bomber – kill civilians. [He interrupts me before I finish]
Look, I’ve never been in the position of a fighter pilot. Let me rephrase the question for you: what’s the difference between a suicide-bomber and a guy who pushed a drone button? The difference is that a suicide bomber sanctifies death, trying to kill as many civilians without any… he sanctifies death according to his religion. Suicide-bombers kill civilians on purpose.
Peter Ustinov is supposed to have said that “terrorism is war of the poor, and war is terrorism of the rich.” Why do you believe you are entitled to fight a perceived threat with death? By the same token, isn’t their retaliation legitimate? Jewish terrorists bombed the King David Hotel and this has been celebrated… [He interrupts]
I don’t agree with that statement. You cannot distinguish how people are killed? I propose you go learn the history of the Jewish people since the 19th century. We made compromises. We were ready to give, to coexist. Each time when such compromise was proposed to the other side, they refused.
Do you think PR is important? Do you think it matters?
I believe in PR. I am not a PR person, but we don’t have another choice, PR is one of the pillars of our existence.
So, considering this, would you say that every time there is a suicide attack on Israeli civilians, does that make Israel look better on the international stage? I mean, could this — [He interrupts me, holds my hand and says, slowly and without inflection:]
I think you’re going down a slippery slope now. Let’s stop this. How long are you staying here?
“Two more weeks,” I say. “Why? Are you going to assassinate me?”
He stares at me, livid.
“I’m kidding,” I say. “Or am I? Am I kidding?”
“I have never assassinated a beautiful lady,” he answers, a smile showing on his face for the first and last time.
____________
Paula Schmitt (@schmittpaula) is a Brazilian journalist, Middle East correspondent, author of the non-fiction, Advertised to Death – Lebanese Poster-Boys, and the novel Eudemonia.
4 nov 2009
The Israeli Police stated Tuesday that it questioned a Jewish man believed to be an accomplice to terrorist Yaakov Teitel, who planned and carried out domestic terrorist attacks.
Yousef Spinoza, a neighbor of Teitel in Shvut Rachel illegal settlement was questioned two weeks ago, but was released the same day.
The police believe that Teitel might have committed several murders in addition to what he confessed to, and that the Internal Security is trying to prove he is behind other homicides in Jerusalem and the West Bank.
It is also believed that Teitel is connected to attacks against a center for gays in Tel Aviv.
He is now under psychological evaluation, and is expected in court Wednesday. The prosecution will ask for extending his remand.
Teitel’s attacks targeted Palestinians, Israelis believed to be sympathetic with the Palestinians and homosexuals.
Yousef Spinoza, a neighbor of Teitel in Shvut Rachel illegal settlement was questioned two weeks ago, but was released the same day.
The police believe that Teitel might have committed several murders in addition to what he confessed to, and that the Internal Security is trying to prove he is behind other homicides in Jerusalem and the West Bank.
It is also believed that Teitel is connected to attacks against a center for gays in Tel Aviv.
He is now under psychological evaluation, and is expected in court Wednesday. The prosecution will ask for extending his remand.
Teitel’s attacks targeted Palestinians, Israelis believed to be sympathetic with the Palestinians and homosexuals.
2 nov 2009
After a gag order was lifted on the apprehension of Jewish terrorist, Yaakov Teitel, the Israeli domestic security service, Shin Bet, stated that there are several Jewish terrorists who are still on the loose and that they might be plotting for terrorist attacks. Israeli sources reported that Teitel carries an extremist fundamental ideology that pushed him to kill Palestinians, attack and plot to kill Israelis.
He was born on November 1972 in Florida in the Unites States of America.
Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, thanked the Shin Bet for arresting Teitel.
Teitel is a resident of the Shvut Rachel illegal settlement and also works as a settlement guard. September security guard roster still shows his name highlighted with a yellow marker.
He is believed to be behind several domestic terrorist attacks carried out in 1997.
He was apprehended under suspicion that he planned to kill Professor Zeev Sternhell. He was apprehended in connection to a bomb that was planted near the house of Sternhell.
Professor Sternhell said that the arrest of Teitel is a victory for democracy.
Israeli paper Maariv reported Monday morning that Teitel confesses to committing the following terrorist attacks;
1. August 3, 19971; shot and killed Issa Mustafa, from Yatta town near Hebron.
2. Stabbed a Palestinian man in Jerusalem, in 1997.
3. July 8, 1997; shot and killed Sameer Bleesy, a Palestinian cab driver from Jerusalem.
4. March 2003; planted an explosive charge in front of the home of a Palestinian family in Sinjil village, near Ramallah, the bomb was defused before it went off.
5. February 11, 2006; planted an explosive in front of the police stations in Alia settlement. The bomb was safely defused.
6. April 4, 2007; planted an explosive in an Arab area near Beit Shemesh settlement; the explosive went off wounding one Palestinian worker.
7. March 15, 2007; planted an explosive near an Israeli police vehicle. The explosive went off causing no injuries.
8. July 8, 2007; planted an explosive in Yigal Yadin street in Jerusalem, the explosive went off near an Israeli police vehicle; no injuries.
It is worth mentioning that fundamental settler, Asher Feisgin, who shot and killed four Palestinian workers in 2005, is also from Shvut Rachel settlement.
In the period between 1980 and 1984, a terrorist group of 29 settlers carried several organized attacks against the Palestinians.
In 1980, the group planted explosives in the vehicles of three Palestinian mayors from the West Bank.
Former Nablus Mayor, Bassam Shak’a, lost his legs when the group wired his vehicle; former Ramallah Mayor lost his leg in a similar attack, and former Al Biereh Mayor, Ibrahim Tawil was wounded in a similar attack.
Group members also opened fire at the Islamic College in Hebron, planned to detonate bombs in the Al Aqsa Mosque, and also planned to detonate explosives in Palestinian buses.
Another terrorist group, known as Bat Ayin, was uncovered after attempting to plant explosive in an Arab girls school in East Jerusalem.
The same group was behind the fetal shooting targeting eight Palestinian workers; several settlers were arrested but were released later on.
In 1998, a fundamental group was behind the stabbing of several Palestinians in East Jerusalem, and also planted explosives in the city; two Palestinians, identified as Khairy Alqam and Osama Al Natsha were killed. Members of the group were never apprehended.
In 1985, a Palestinian man, identified as 1985, was killed by fundamental settlers of Maaleh Adumim.
In 1995, fundamental Jewish doctor, settler Baroch Goldstein, shot and killed 29 Palestinians while praying at the Ibrahimi mosque (Cave of the Patriarchs) in Hebron. Dozens were wounded.
In 1990, a fundamental settler shot and killed seven Palestinian workers from the Gaza Strip. The Palestinians were working in Rishon Lezion settlement in Jerusalem.
In 1998, a settler killed a Palestinian young woman from Hebron, and another settler from Itamar settlement stoned a Palestinian worker to death.
In 2003, a settler identified as Aleran Golan, tried to assassinate Arab member of Knesset, Issam Makhoul, by planting an explosive in his vehicle.
In 2006, settler Etan Natan Zada, borded an Arab bus in Shfa-Amr and opened fire at the passengers, killing four residents including two sisters.
In 2007, a settler tried to stab Arab cab driver in Al Tour, in East Jerusalem. Another Taxi driver identified as Taiseer Al Karaky was stabbed to death by a settler identified as Julian Sofer.
The latest attempt to attack Palestinian cab drivers in Jerusalem was carried out in September 2009, when several settlers attacked a number of drivers, including an axe attack against a driver from Jerusalem. The Driver managed to escape with minor wounds, and his Taxi was totally damaged.
Fundamental settlers are behind hundreds of casualties among Palestinian civilians. Hundreds of organized attacks were carried out since the first Palestinian Intifada of 1987. This is in addition to hundreds of random attacks carried out by fundamental settlers against Palestinian villagers.
He was born on November 1972 in Florida in the Unites States of America.
Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, thanked the Shin Bet for arresting Teitel.
Teitel is a resident of the Shvut Rachel illegal settlement and also works as a settlement guard. September security guard roster still shows his name highlighted with a yellow marker.
He is believed to be behind several domestic terrorist attacks carried out in 1997.
He was apprehended under suspicion that he planned to kill Professor Zeev Sternhell. He was apprehended in connection to a bomb that was planted near the house of Sternhell.
Professor Sternhell said that the arrest of Teitel is a victory for democracy.
Israeli paper Maariv reported Monday morning that Teitel confesses to committing the following terrorist attacks;
1. August 3, 19971; shot and killed Issa Mustafa, from Yatta town near Hebron.
2. Stabbed a Palestinian man in Jerusalem, in 1997.
3. July 8, 1997; shot and killed Sameer Bleesy, a Palestinian cab driver from Jerusalem.
4. March 2003; planted an explosive charge in front of the home of a Palestinian family in Sinjil village, near Ramallah, the bomb was defused before it went off.
5. February 11, 2006; planted an explosive in front of the police stations in Alia settlement. The bomb was safely defused.
6. April 4, 2007; planted an explosive in an Arab area near Beit Shemesh settlement; the explosive went off wounding one Palestinian worker.
7. March 15, 2007; planted an explosive near an Israeli police vehicle. The explosive went off causing no injuries.
8. July 8, 2007; planted an explosive in Yigal Yadin street in Jerusalem, the explosive went off near an Israeli police vehicle; no injuries.
It is worth mentioning that fundamental settler, Asher Feisgin, who shot and killed four Palestinian workers in 2005, is also from Shvut Rachel settlement.
In the period between 1980 and 1984, a terrorist group of 29 settlers carried several organized attacks against the Palestinians.
In 1980, the group planted explosives in the vehicles of three Palestinian mayors from the West Bank.
Former Nablus Mayor, Bassam Shak’a, lost his legs when the group wired his vehicle; former Ramallah Mayor lost his leg in a similar attack, and former Al Biereh Mayor, Ibrahim Tawil was wounded in a similar attack.
Group members also opened fire at the Islamic College in Hebron, planned to detonate bombs in the Al Aqsa Mosque, and also planned to detonate explosives in Palestinian buses.
Another terrorist group, known as Bat Ayin, was uncovered after attempting to plant explosive in an Arab girls school in East Jerusalem.
The same group was behind the fetal shooting targeting eight Palestinian workers; several settlers were arrested but were released later on.
In 1998, a fundamental group was behind the stabbing of several Palestinians in East Jerusalem, and also planted explosives in the city; two Palestinians, identified as Khairy Alqam and Osama Al Natsha were killed. Members of the group were never apprehended.
In 1985, a Palestinian man, identified as 1985, was killed by fundamental settlers of Maaleh Adumim.
In 1995, fundamental Jewish doctor, settler Baroch Goldstein, shot and killed 29 Palestinians while praying at the Ibrahimi mosque (Cave of the Patriarchs) in Hebron. Dozens were wounded.
In 1990, a fundamental settler shot and killed seven Palestinian workers from the Gaza Strip. The Palestinians were working in Rishon Lezion settlement in Jerusalem.
In 1998, a settler killed a Palestinian young woman from Hebron, and another settler from Itamar settlement stoned a Palestinian worker to death.
In 2003, a settler identified as Aleran Golan, tried to assassinate Arab member of Knesset, Issam Makhoul, by planting an explosive in his vehicle.
In 2006, settler Etan Natan Zada, borded an Arab bus in Shfa-Amr and opened fire at the passengers, killing four residents including two sisters.
In 2007, a settler tried to stab Arab cab driver in Al Tour, in East Jerusalem. Another Taxi driver identified as Taiseer Al Karaky was stabbed to death by a settler identified as Julian Sofer.
The latest attempt to attack Palestinian cab drivers in Jerusalem was carried out in September 2009, when several settlers attacked a number of drivers, including an axe attack against a driver from Jerusalem. The Driver managed to escape with minor wounds, and his Taxi was totally damaged.
Fundamental settlers are behind hundreds of casualties among Palestinian civilians. Hundreds of organized attacks were carried out since the first Palestinian Intifada of 1987. This is in addition to hundreds of random attacks carried out by fundamental settlers against Palestinian villagers.
